Peace Research Update (One World, Many Peaces)

The Peace Research Update is a weekly update on published work in peace research, academic, popular and organizational.

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Week of December 9-December 15, 2009 (Focus on Peace and Islam, Part 4 of 5 weekly segments on Peace and World Religions):

Aksoy, S.. "MUSLIM - CHRISTIAN DIALOGUE IN PEYAMI SAFA'S: THE ARMCHAIR OF MADEMOISELLE NORALIYA." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 20, no. 1/2 (January 1, 2008): 87-104.

Peyami Safa, a twentieth-century novelist, journalist, and intellectual, and one of the major personalities of conservatism in Turkey, encouraged Muslim and Christian believers to search for common ground and shared values that would yield a happy, virtuous way of life. His novel, The Armchair of Mademoislle Noraliya, features a character, Noraliya, who epitomizes the common ground between Islam and Christianity as a guide to peace of mind for individuals lost in the maze of modernity. Safa's literary construct is rooted in the both religious inclination and admiration for the modern mind. Drawing on the main elements of the novel, this essay focuses on those features that reflect Safa's idea of a personal mysticism reached through religion, as well as interreligious dialogue. Safa's approach exemplifies Turkey's unique position in the Muslim world, inviting comparison and appreciation of the nuances among the historical manifestations of Islam.

Alvi-Aziz, H.. "Iran Awakening: One Woman's Journey to Reclaim Her Life and Country/The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future." Review. Naval War College Review 62, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 154-155.

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shirin Eb adi' s autobiography Iran Awakening and Vali Nasr' s The Shia Revival provide unique insights and analyses of the powerhungry clerics ruling Iran and of the Sunni-versus-Shia paradigm. Each chapter contains shocking developments, but nothing grabs the reader more than the prologue, in which she describes her surreal discovery that she is next on the revolutionary clerics' hit list. The book's subtitle states his theory that it is the many conflicts within Islam that will shape the future.

Anonymous, . "Muslim-American Activism." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 53-56.

According to HaUm Rane of Australia's Griffith University, religion has never played a positive role in the Holy Land. Delinda C. Hanley Future Prospects for Islam and Democracy A CSID luncheon speech by Ahmed Shaheed, rninister of foreign affairs for the Republic of Maldives, focused on his conservative, mostly Muslim country's recent peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy. Pat McDonnell Twair Muslims Unite to Oppose FBI Abuse Following an April 19 meeting in Washington, DC, the American Muslim Taskforce on Civil Rights and Elections (AMT), a national coalition of major Islamic organizations, issued a statement re-affirming its opposition to FBI tactics and government policies targeting the Muslim community.

Clingingsmith, D., A. Khwaja, and M. Kremer. "Estimating the Impact of the Hajj: Religion and Tolerance in Islam's Global Gathering." The Quarterly Journal of Economics 124, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 1133.

We estimate the impact on pilgrims of performing the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca. Our method compares successful and unsuccessful applicants in a lottery used by Pakistan to allocate Hajj visas. Pilgrim accounts stress that the Hajj leads to a feeling of unity with fellow Muslims, but outsiders have sometimes feared that this could be accompanied by antipathy toward non-Muslims. We find that participation in the Hajj increases observance of global Islamic practices, such as prayer and fasting, while decreasing participation in localized practices and beliefs, such as the use of amulets and dowry. It increases belief in equality and harmony among ethnic groups and Islamic sects and leads to more favorable attitudes toward women, including greater acceptance of female education and employment. Increased unity within the Islamic world is not accompanied by antipathy toward non-Muslims. Instead, Hajjis show increased belief in peace, and in equality and harmony among adherents of different religions. The evidence suggests that these changes are likely due to exposure to and interaction with Hajjis from around the world, rather than to a changed social role of pilgrims upon return.

Cook, M.. "Arguing the Just War in Islam." Review. Parameters 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 117-119.

In 1993, he published Islam and War: A Case Study in Comparative Ethics, one of the first and clearest expositions ever to compare Islamic thought about just war with the dominant European, Christian, and international law models familiar to American scholars and lawyers. Kelsay reviews the arguments of a number of Islamic reformers who are attempting to reinterpret Islam in such a manner as to make it more compatible with pluralist democracy and equal human rights for all regardless of religious affiliation, etc.
El-Aswad, E.. "Islamic Attitudes to Israel." Review. Domes 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 107-110.

[...] the early roots of the battle between Palestinian and Israeli have been religion , including Islam (p. 72, italics are added) There seems to be an obvious contradiction and confusion in the author's assertions and claims about the roots of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.\n Chapter Seven: Iran, Israel and the Middle East Conflict discusses the shift in the Iran-Israel relationship from one of cooperation in the 1980s, when Israel was involved in arms deals with Iran because of the Iran-Iraq War (p.115), to one of hostility in the 1990s-especially since the 1991 Gulf War - which altered the Iranian society's attitude towards Israel. The main conclusion of Chapter Nine: "The Republic of Indonesia and Israel" can be summed up as follows: Because of its refusal to establish relations with Israel, Indonesia, among other Muslim states of Asia, has been portrayed as anti-Israel despite the fact that there is no evidence that any of the Indonesian leaders - namely Suharto, Habibie and Wahid - feared reactions from Arab states, (p. 156) The book does not convey new findings.

Ellian, A.. "Monotheism as a Political Problem: Political Islam and the Attack on Religious Equality and Freedom." Telos no. 145 (December 1, 2008): 87.

Ellian examines the relation between religion and politics, which is a legal-philosophical theme that has once again come to the foreground, due primarily to the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the ensuing international debate on the nature of Islam. Yet every discussion of Islam encounters the resistance of political correctness, which exercises an enormous pressure on academic freedom, often resulting in self-censorship. Philosophy does not have as its primary goal the establishment of world peace. Instead, it begins by asking questions and by analyzing reality, even if those questions and analyses turn out to be very painful to religious or political powers.

Erlanger, S.. ""THE ANTI-GERMANS" - THE PRO-ISRAEL GERMAN LEFT." Jewish Political Studies Review 21, no. 1/2 (April 1, 2009): 95-106,211.

It is no secret that the German Left's outlook today is, and has been for some time, predominantly anti-Israel and anti-American. Far less wellknown is the existence of a small but influential pro-Israel movement within the German Left, a movement which challenges the existing antiIsrael consensus. The "Anti-German" Movement, as it is known, grew out of a communist student organization. In 1989 it finally emerged as a movement in its own right in opposition to German reunification. Fearing the emergence of a new fascism from the social and political dynamics of reunification, the Anti-Germans fight any manifestation of German nationalism, aligning themselves with the victims of Nazi Germany and their descendants. Likewise, seeing elements of German nationalism in the German Peace Movement, the Anti-Germans have become its strong opponents. During the 1990s the movement perceived modern-day German existence as dominated by dynamics between the state, economy, and society similar to those that led to National Socialism and the Holocaust. Today the Anti-Germans discern fascism and militant anti-Semitism as most apparent in Islamism and therefore strongly denounce militant political Islam. At the same time, they offer unconditional support for Israel, the Jews, and the U.S., in opposition to the dominant political discourse amongst the German public in general and the left in particular. Unable to form a mass movement or an organization large enough to take an active role in political life, the Anti-German Movement has become an influential publicist movement centered on several magazines and journals. As writers, social scientists, and journalists, Anti-Germans have been able to exert a growing impact on the Left and on public opinion.

Gee, J.. "Obama's Speech: "It's Really About the Arabs"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 6 (August 1, 2009): 37.

Gillespie, M.. "Third Annual Des Moines Peace Fair Features Diversity." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 27, no. 9 (December 1, 2008): 71.

Noting that television and media often traffic in stereotypes, he said the MSA works to provide accurate information about Islam to dispel unrealistic fears.
Gregersen, N.. "On Taboos: The Danish Cartoon Crisis 2005-20081." Dialog 48, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 79-96.

The international crisis following the publication of 12 Muhammad cartoons in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten (September 30, 2005) raises the general question of how to exercise the freedom of expression in relation to religious taboos. After briefly reviewing the Cartoon Crisis from September 2005 to the bombings on the Danish Ambassay in Pakistan in June 2008, the article addresses Lutheran resources for coping with secularisation and desecularisation, in particular as regards the taboos that persist as a part of religious and humanistic values. The thesis is that the Lutheran doctrine of the two kingdoms has given rise to two models of interpretation that have both been historically active. The doctrine of the two regiments has been interpreted both as a 'liberalist' argument for a principled separation of religion and politics, and as a 'social-conservative' (later Social Democratic) argument for the view that the state should take care of its citizens' welfare through education, the legal system and social services. In today's global and multi-religious world, this leads us to ask the question to what extent a welfare society, for the sake of peace and social order, should, or should not, protect religious sensitivities. Should religious communities always be kept out of public life, or can they be recognised as non-governmental organizations in civil society, hence as potential partners for the state?

Gunaratna, R., and M. Ali. "De-Radicalization Initiatives in Egypt: A Preliminary Insight." Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 32, no. 4 (April 1, 2009): 277.

This article provides a preliminary insight to the ideological revision of the two principle Islamist militant groups in Egypt, the Al-Gamaa Al-lslamiyya and Al-Jihad Al-Islami. Several leaders of these groups have taken steps to renounce violence and promote peace co-existence with the government and society. They have also repented and apologized for the past terror attacks in Egypt that led to the killing of many innocent civilians, government officials and tourists. In addition, they have gone to great lengths to counter and argue against Al Qaeda's violent ideology and to restrict its influence on the Muslim population. The ideological revision of these two groups reflects a significant shift in the efforts of the Egyptian authorities and community to address the problem of ideological extremism and terrorism in the country.

Hanley, D.. "Kerry Holds Hearing on Engaging Muslims Around World." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 70-71.

[...] Albright concluded, religion matters: "Both the Bible and Qur'an include enough rhetorical ammunition to start a war and enough moral uplift to engender permanent peace."
[...] he suggested treating Muslim visitors with more respect at our U.S. points of entry, and correcting the embarrassing delays for obtaining visitors' visas.
Hilsdon, A.. "Invisible Bodies: Gender, Conflict and Peace in Mindanao." Asian Studies Review 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 349-V.

Community forms of struggle such as clan feuds [ridos] are common within Muslim groups in Central and Western Mindanao, but these do not figure in classic scholarly definitions of "war" in the region and elsewhere (see Majul, 1999; McKenna, 1998), which emphasise larger political struggles against the state. [...] women seldom figure in explanations of either political or community conflict, as they have predominantly been considered integrally involved only in family life.4 Islam in the Philippines is diverse in its social and cultural expression, a pattern similarly noted for the Middle East by Akbar S. Ahmed (1992, p. 200) and Bryan S. Turner (1994, p. 13).

Jones, G.. "Islam and Violent Separatism: New Democracies in Southeast Asia." Review. Journal of Third World Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 175-178.

Islamic radical behavior is not the cause of this social malady but rather one of its inheritors, a fact mat escaped the writers of this edited book. ' [...] endemic violence is brought under local control, liberal democracy has an uncertain future. The thesis governing the edited book is sound, Islamic radical groups have impacted Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia national efforts in fostering liberal democracy.

Marion, M., J. Rousseau, and K. Gollin. "Connecting Our Villages: The Afghan Sister Schools Project at the Carolina Friends School." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 548-570.

The Carolina Friends School has sustained a peace education effort grounded in a sister-school relationship with a school in rural Afghanistan since 2002. Activities at this Quaker school involve students from preschool through high school in pen pal friendships, ten-day diary exchanges, peace-quilt exchanges, fund-raisers, and a variety of in-class programs about Islam and Afghan culture. Funds have been used in Afghanistan to furnish classrooms, equip playgrounds, and support teacher training. The project aims to educate students about cultural differences underlying conflict in the world and to seek a more peaceful world through building relationships among the sister-school students.

Peabody, N.. "Disciplining the Body, Disciplining the Body-Politic: Physical Culture and Social Violence among North Indian Wrestlers." Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 372-400.

In the early evening of 14 September 1989, ferocious Hindu-Muslim rioting broke out in the city of Kota in the north Indian state of Rajasthan. The rioting started during the Hindu festival of Anant Chaturdashi, while celebrants were taking out religious processions through the city. Although most of the violence occurred during that first night, it would be another three days before the Indian army could restore an uneasy peace to the city and nearly three weeks more would pass before the military curfew that eventually confined city's inhabitants to their houses for all but a few hours a day was fully lifted. The mayhem claimed the lives of twenty-six individuals and left a further ninety-nine injured in hospital. Countless more 'walking wounded' were treated on an outpatient basis in local dispensaries or by friends or neighbors. In addition, vandalism, arson, and looting caused property losses exceeding ten million rupees. Although Muslims constituted only 9 percent of the city's population of roughly half-a-million, they suffered the vast majority of the casualties and bore a disproportionate amount of property loss. By convention we commonly refer to such rioting as 'Hindu-Muslim violence,' but the parity implied in this formula is deeply misleading. The vast majority of victims were Muslims.

Power, C.. "FAITH IN THE MARKET." Foreign Policy no. 170 (January 1, 2009): 70-75,4.

Amid the worst economic crisis in nearly a century, Yusuf Talal DeLorenzo sells peace of mind. A Muslim convert who is the product of both a Massachusetts prep school and a Karachi madrasa, DeLorenzo issues pronouncements on the spiritual soundness of modern finance for the world's Muslims. He served as a well-paid counsel to the international hedge-fund managers, bankers, and asset managers who are determined to invest in line with the Koran's principles. Sharia scholars such as DeLorenzo see Islamic finance as the path to a distinctly spiritual end. But not everyone is convinced. Take the claim of Islamic finance as a safe haven from the global economic crisis. Islamic finance, just like conventional finance, is vulnerable to sloppy vetting of customers' creditworthiness. Potential pitfalls for Islamic finance, then, are the same as those for conventional finance: greed and lax regulation. A larger issue is whether Islam and the modern economy can be reconciled at all.
Powers, J.. "RESTORING HARMONY TO GUJARAT: PEACE BUILDING AFTER THE 2002 RIOTS." Journal of Third World Studies 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 103-115.

Both parties centered on the ideology of V.D. Savarkar, whose book, Hindutva Who is a Hindu? ( 1923) called for recognizing Hinduism as both a race and a religion, essentially developing an "indigenous race" theory modeled on German nationalism and Aryan mythography.3 In order to celebrate the vitality and strength of a twice colonized nation, the Sangh emphasized physical fitness, martial arts and paramilitary training. The Sangh Parivar organizations consider their enemies to be a Indian followers of foreign religions (Islam and Christianity), b Communists and their sympathizers, c westernized members of the Indian intelligentsia committed to secularism, and d foreign powers.6 This sort of thinking has polarized Indian society, particularly in the north, pitting upper-caste and middle-class Hindus against Muslims, untouchables, converts to Islam and Christianity, and any who subscribe to "the false dogma of secularism."

Sandole, D.. "Turkey's unique role in nipping in the bud the 'clash of civilizations'." International Politics 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 636-655.

This paper focuses on Turkey, a Muslim (but secular) country located culturally and geographically in, and between, Europe, the Middle East and Asia. It has a well-embedded Jewish community, enjoys a strong positive relationship with the State of Israel and is a long-term member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Turkey has also been negotiating entry into the European Union, the pre-eminent example of the Kantian system of 'perpetual peace.' The paper addresses these and other aspects of Turkey's complex identity, exploring their implications for 'civilizational' peace, security and stability regionally and worldwide. The paper contributes, therefore, to the discussion on the complex relationship between Islam and the West by framing Turkey as uniquely well positioned to undermine and perhaps even reverse self-fulfilling, post-9/11 trajectories toward a full-blown 'clash of civilizations.'

Simbar, R.. "The Changing Role of Islam in International Relations." Journal of International and Area Studies 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 55-68.

This paper examines different aspects of the global Islamic movement and its impacts and implications. We study the theoretical background and different perspectives in Islamic ideology. We discuss the basis of inter-state relations between a Muslim polity and other Muslim or non-Muslim polities that can be found in traditional and neo-traditional literatures relevant to the topic. This paper argues that peace is the original basis in Islam and rejects the idea of perpetual war between Islamic and non-Islamic polity as espoused by Jihadist groups that have raised concerns among security agencies and non-Muslim political and community leaders. Political Islam is undergoing a transformation from being an opposition and marginalised political project to becoming a counter-hegemonic movement fighting at the front line between the West and the rest of the world. The strength of Islamism is shaped not only by its Islamic discourse and rhetoric, but also by its social components and political programs. This paper argues that the West must in one way or another understand, recognize and accommodate Islamism's political motivations and visions. Religious re-awakening, often in the form of fundamental revivalism, is a major phenomenon in the international relations today, especially in the Islamic regions.

Sodiq, Y.. "Can Muslims and Christians Live Together Peacefully in Nigeria?" The Muslim World 99, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 646-688.

The Nigerian constitution provides and guarantees for each citizen the freedom of religion, religious practice, and religious education.7 These rights are generally observed throughout Nigeria. [...] places of worship are freely established,8 and no restrictions are placed on the number of clergy trained in Nigeria9 or on the number of people who may perform pilgrimage.

Swazo, N.. ""MY BROTHER IS MY KING": EVALUATING THE MORAL DUTY OF GLOBAL JIHAD." International Journal on World Peace 25, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 7-47.

This paper considers the problem of defining and describing terrorism associated with contemporary "political" or "radical" Islam and the statements of Osama bin Laden that ostensibly justify global jihad. The author's moral assessment considers the task of comparative jurisprudence that includes reasoning in Islamic jurisprudence. Given bin Laden's appeal to Islamic sources, attention needs to be paid to the authority of the Hanbali school of law and the jurist Ibn Taymiyya as these relate to the justification of global jihad. The article concludes that these sources provide political Islamists "just cause" to wage a defensive global jihad on behalf of global Islamic solidarity of the ummah, defensive insofar as these actions are taken against Western "imperialism" and American hegemony. This points to the need for American politicians to rethink the policy of waging what is called the global war on terrorism.

Tank, P.. "Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East?" Review. Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 601.

Tank reviews Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? by Gareth Jenkins.
Tank, P.. "The New Turkish Republic: Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World." Review. Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 2 (March 1, 2009): 286.

Tank reviews The New Turkish Republic: Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World by Graham E. Fuller.

Week of December 3-December 9, 2009 (Focus on Peace and Hinduism, Part 3 of 5 weekly segments on Peace and World Religions):

Powers, J.. "RESTORING HARMONY TO GUJARAT: PEACE BUILDING AFTER THE 2002 RIOTS." Journal of Third World Studies 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 103-115.

Tsai, T.. "Public health and peace building in Nepal." The Lancet 374, no. 9689 (August 15, 2009): 515-6.

Jain, R.. "An Ethical Diet for Peace and Plenty." Hinduism Today, April 1, 2009, 38-39.

IN INDIA, THE LAND OF AHIMSA, OR NONVIOLENCE, PEOPLE HAVE traditionally been vegetarian. Hailing from a family of staunch vegetarians, I consider myself fortunate to be living in harmony with the principles of nature. As a Jain follower, I strongly advocate a vegetarian diet, which I find superior not only from a moral stance, but also from the health and culinary points of view. Guests at our home, coming from both vegetarian and nonvegetarian backgrounds, are always overwhelmed with what they describe as the unbelievable taste and richness of our vegetarian cuisine.

Sadly, in recent times many Hindus, Jains and Buddhists, especially of the younger generation, are no longer so strict about our precepts and have taken to nonvegetarian food, mostly following the misconception that meat-eating is healthy. Truth be told, a vegetarian diet is actually much healthier than one based on animal protein. It is argued that there is a lot of protein in meat and eggs, but we do not need so much concentrated protein in our diet. There is plenty of protein in nuts, seeds, pulses and dairy products, which are also far easier to digest. Vegetarianism supports mental and physical health as well as spiritual cultivation. Fruits, vegetables, pulses, nuts and milk products provide a balanced diet which does not make our system toxic. This is primarily because when an animal is killed, it becomes dead matter. In the case of many vegetables, if we eat part of the vegetable and re-plant another part, it can grow again; it is still a living organism.

My friend Martin Gluckman, who runs the Vedic Society and teaches organic and ayurvedic cooking in South Africa, hails Indian vegetarianism thusly: "India has the world's greatest cuisine and most variety of dishes, boasting to its amazing cultural and spiritual heritage. It has a time-tested vegetarian cuisine offering a delight for all senses and the heart. India can be proud to have the world's largest per-capita number of vegetarians (I have read reports of more than 40%). No other country can make such a statement of humanity and nonviolence. The vegetarian culture and lifestyle is India's greatest achievement and gift to the world. Only in years to come will the true value of this gift be known."

Nancy deWolf Smith. "Entertainment & Culture -- Review / Television: What the Magi Saw." Review. Wall Street Journal, December 19, 2008, Eastern Edition,

Less is knowable about the identity of the three wise men, or magi, referred to in the Gospel of Matthew -- and, it turns out, in unrelated scholarly records from about A.D. 50. The narrator and star, former Texas fundamentalist Edward T. Martin, explains that while teaching English abroad and serving in the Peace Corps in Afghanistan in 1974, he stumbled onto the theory that Jesus, when he was 12 or 13, joined a caravan on the Silk Road and wound up in India and Nepal, where he imbibed the teachings of Buddhism and Hinduism before going home much later to be crucified.

P.K. Abdul Ghafour. "Geneva meeting seeks greater understanding among religions." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 1 October2009.

The latest international conference on interfaith dialogue -- the fourth in a series initiated by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah -- began here on Wednesday with a call for greater understanding among the followers of different religions and culture in order to promote human welfare and world peace. Bandar Al-Eiban, president of the Human Rights Commission in Saudi Arabia; William Baker, president of Christians and Muslims for Peace in the US; Rev. Xue Cheng, vice chairman of Buddhist Association of China; Faisal bin Muammar, Saudi deputy minister of education; Sri Ravi Shankar, a renowned scholar on Hinduism; and Mohammad Ali Al-Taskhiri, general-secretary of the World Forum for Proximity of Islamic Schools of Thought in Iran.

Renuka Narayanan. "Hindustan Times, New Delhi, Renuka Narayanan column: Invite them in, for God's sake." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 11 October2008 ***[insert pages]***

[...] mullahs teaching Muslims to live at theological peace with Hindus, the custodians of saints' shrines could rethink letting women in close to the grave. The theme of this Makkan surah is that the basis of faith is God's power and goodness and the fruit of both is man's healing.

Soumyajit Pattnaik. "Tribals hold key to peace." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 19 December 2008.

When the riots first started in Kandhamal district on Christmas Day last year, the statewide shutdown call given by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to protest against the attack on Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati's vehicle on December 24 (he was killed in August this year) coincided with a Kandhamal shutdown call given by the tribals' association for an entirely different reason.

Zia Haq. "VHP anti-terror message: part peace, part threat." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 2 March 2009.

At a 50-year-old ashram in this hub of India's Islamic clergy, just across the road from the Muslim seminary, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad on Sunday organised a yagya for Ram Rajya to defeat terror, with many seers saying Hinduism faced a "serious threat" from jihad and the fatwa proved of "little use".

"Peace Village' set for Sunday." Houston Chronicle, February 5, 2009,

Attendees will have the opportunity to learn about different spiritual practices - including Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, Christianity, Buddhism and Bahai - and touch sacred objects from the various traditions, learn about them, pray for peace and enjoy an ethnic food table.

Agarwal, S.. "Learning to Be the Change." India Currents, October 1, 2008, 50.

The goal of Gandhi Camp is to teach youth to use Gandhi's principles of truthful- ness, tolerance, and self-help in our everyday lives. The camp was founded by a popular and dedicated Indian youth leader, S. N. Sub- ba Rao, who is also the chief of Gandhi Peace Foundation. Campers and counselors affec- tionately call Subba Raoji, Bhaiji, meaning "Elder Brother." Bhaiji believes that building inner strength is the best way to build charac- ter. He inspires all the young campers to learn Gandhian values like ahimsa (non-violence), love, peace, and harmony, and teaches us that the world's fortune lies in the youth.

Anonymous, . "AVS Plans Satsang to Promote Peace." India - West, May 30, 2008,

The Palm Bay, Floriada-based Akhanda Vishnu Sahasranama Organization is planning to channel Vishnu Sahasranama Stotra into a Satsang across the U.S....

Anonymous, . "Eco-friendly Gandhi celebration in Nevada." India Abroad, August 15, 2008,

The recitations at the sunset to honor the legacy of [Gandhi] will include Christian prayers in English, Muslim prayers in Arabic, Hindu shlokas in Sanskrit, Buddhist prayers in Pali, Jewish prayers in Hebrew, a Baha'i prayer in Persian, and a Native American chant in the Sioux tradition. Attendees will sing one of Gandhi's favorite bhajans, Raghupati Raghav Rajaram, said [Rajan Zed].

Zed and Reverend Savoy plan to make Gandhi Month an annual feature in Nevada. The two are also pushing for a Gandhi monument at the state capitol in Carson City and Gandhi statues in Las Vegas and Reno. A Nevada-wide essay competition will be held in October on topics including nonviolence, peace and conflict resolution.

Anonymous, . "Nirankari Mission Holds 'Peace Not Pieces' Event." India - West, September 25, 2009,

Guests attending the event included Tracy Mayor Brent Ives, as well as members of the interfaith and Ahmadiyya communities. Singh personally greeted and blessed attendees after the event, which also included a community dinner served by volunteers.

Anonymous, . "Nobel Prize Winners Voice Hindu Wisdom." Hinduism Today, April 1, 2008, 7.

THE 2007 NOBEL PEACE prize was jointly awarded to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and Al Gore. The IPCC was credited for its definitive research on the issues and dangerous impact of climate change. Former US Vice President, Al Gore, was honored for single-handedly bringing the crisis to the forefront of world attention.

"Principles" was followed by "Indian Sculpture" (1932), "A Survey of Painting in the Deccan" (1937), "Indian Terracottas" (1939), "The Hindu Temple" (1946) and "Arts and Crafts of Travancore" (1948).

From 1932-50, Kramrisch coedited the Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art. In 1950, she moved to the United States, where she was professor of Soutii Asian art at die University of Pennsylvania and curator of Indian art at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, where she organized the exhibitions - "The Art of Nepal and Tibet" (1960), "Unknown India: Ritual Art in Tribe and Village" (1968) and "Himalayan Art 700-1900" (1978). She produced a show, "Manifestations of Siva," for the Philadelphia Museum in 1981. Her last exhibition was "Painted Delight," a show of Mughal paintings, also at the Philadelphia museum, in 1986.

Dutt, E.. "'I seek your blessings so I can practice my Hindu faith strongly'." News India - Times, April 25, 2008,

"As a Hindu, I am gratified to meet and shake hands with a Christian - so that I can continue to practice my religion stronger than ever. I would say to the Pope, "I am proud to be a Hindu and I seek your blessings also so that I can practice my faith more strongly, and also to work toward world peace."

"Four religions emanating from India, are represented at the meeting with the Pope in the U.S. It is remarkable. All Eastern faiths, more or less with common beliefs, are being represented on the same dais - it speaks of the strength of these religions in serving world peace.

Dutt, E.. "South Asians have high profile at meeting with Pope." News India - Times, April 25, 2008,

[Ravi Gupta], 25, a doctorate in Religion from University of Oxford, presented the sacred syllable [Om]' on a brass incense burner. He is the author of 'The Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta of Jiva Gosvami: When Knowledge Meets Devotion. He participated in a recent USCCB-Hindu consultation and is committed to pursuing interreligious dialogue in both his professional and personal capacities.

"I'd like to encourage him to open up a full dialogue with Hinduism and bring Hindus to the table," Gupta told The Washington Times before the Pope's visit, "That is important considering India's growing presence in the world. Religious issues in India are taking on a lot more significance than they used to."

"Naturally I feel the greatest honor in being able to meet one of the most revered people on this earth," [Aditya Vora] is quoted saying on the Catholic Bishops website blog. "More importantly the causes uniting us in this ceremony have filled me with great joy and hope. When leaders from the Islamic, Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Buddhist and [Jain] faiths come together, I feel this symbolizes a universal priority of peace through religious tolerance."

Joseph, G.. "'America is on the cutting edge of the new Hindu-Jewish relationship'." India Abroad, July 10, 2009,

Swami Avdeshananda Giri, trustee of the Hindu [Dharma Acharya Sabha] who led the Hindu Sabha delegation, said, 'Hindus believe that the whole world is one family so we are committed to nonviolence, brotherhood and peace. To bring forth communal harmony and peace throughout the world, we need to engage m interfaith dialogue to foster mutual understanding and respect.'

I see great prospects for furthering strategic relations between India-Israel and India, Israel and the US,' [Bawa Jain] said. The World Council of Religions is committed to expand this dialogue by engaging the other major world traditions similarly in religious diplomacy.'

"Any dialogue that is based on or towards the end goal of mutual understanding and respect is imperative in an age where the vast majority of conflicts around the globe are driven by religious intolerance," she said. "This year, religious and spiritual leaders and the World Council believed it was time to bring the fruits of the two previous summits to the US in the form of high level meetings and a report release on Capitol Hill."

Malik, R.. "Swami Avdheshananda Giri, HINDU of the YEAR." Hinduism Today, January 1, 2009, 18-24.

As the Acharya, Swamiji assumed the mantle of guru for the akhara's numerous devotees. He said to our reporter, "May God forgive me and I say this without any kind of arrogance, but I interact with thousands of people every day." It requires stamina, dedication and a strong spiritual foundation to remain centered, and Swami found the answer in discipline. No matter where he is in the world, at 9AM his doors will open to devotees. With three to four flights every month and an average of twenty days away from the main ashram, Swami finds it helpful to plan ahead in detail. Everything is scheduled, even the time allocated for each meal. It is a demanding social routine, far removed from his beginnings as a Himalayan yogi. "What keeps me alive is my meditation," Swami says with candor. "I cannot live without meditation. It gives me energy, bliss, peace and vitality. When you close your eyes and sit in a proper posture, energy will grow and flow at a very rapid speed. Just close your eyes and observe it. There is nothing more powerful than dhyana. Dhyana gives birth to you, it introduces you to your own Self."

"We have constructed 350 to 400 dams," exults Swami Avdheshananda. And, he adds, 1,300 new Sivalingas have been installed, one for each village. "We wanted to develop their faith in God The villagers themselves worked to build them. In the past five years or so, the whole life of those people has been transformed." While he is pleased with the results, Swamiji wants to go farther. "Now we want to provide better education and medical help" The Shivganga yields humanitarian results and is also good for Hinduism. "Before we went there," Swami continues, "large-scale conversion was taking place. That has stopped altogether. Before, no religious events were happening; now we even have Hindu priests officiating at festivals. It is with a lot of enthusiasm that I am sharing with you our extensive plans for that area."

Previous awardees were Swami Paramananda Bharat i ('90), Swami Chidananda Saraswati ("91), Swami Chinmayananda ('92), Mata Amritanandamayi Ma ('93), Swami Satchidananda ('94), Pramukhswami Maharaj (95), Satya Sai Baba (96), Sri Chinmoy ('97), Swami Bua (98), Swami Chidananda Saraswati of Divine Life Society ("99), Ma Yoga Shakti ('00), T. S Sambamurthy Sivachariar ('01), Dada Vaswani ('02), Sri Tiruchi Mahaswamigal ('03). Dr. K. Pichai Sivacharya ('04), Swami Tejomayananda ('05). Ramesh Bhai Oza ('06) and Sri Balagandharanathas wami ('07).

Malik, R.. "The New Age Cycles Back to India." Hinduism Today, April 1, 2009, 59-63.

Priyanka Malhotra, director of Full Circle Books, tells us, "The term New Age was coined in the US, and there people connect it to the hippie culture, or to magic. But it's actually about peace, love and understanding. Over the years, people misused and misunderstood the term in the West." Priyanka's Delhi-based publishing house and bookstore chain specializes in what she calls the "body, mind, spirit" segment of the publishing trade. "If I have to define the concept of New Age in the Indian mind, it is anything that goes beyond the physical body, and anything alternative to the mainstream."

Abhishek Jain of Motilal Banarsidass, one of India's largest and most respected publishers, started a New Age line eight years ago. Abhishek, who now specializes in that niche, explains, "These are books to heal yourself, to study yourself. Chakras, yoga, meditation, Reiki, auras, self-healing and alternative therapies are some of the popular subjects. Tai Chi, Chinese medicine, vastu and parapsychology are also part of our New Age section. Our collection also includes titles on Hindu Gods and Goddesses, Sai Baba, Buddhism, Ramana Maharishi and Hindu philosophy." Describing a market that is just the opposite in the West, he says, "We even carry a few titles on Islamic mysticism, but no books on Christianity. Christians don't buy these books, only Hindus and Buddhists do." He notes that there is plenty of room for growth in this segment: "I can see increasing market possibilities in India and in the Southeast Asian markets. Sometimes we buy the rights to a title for all of South Asia."

Where does all this leave us? In "The Hostile New Age Takeover of Yoga," back in America (an article in the online journal Slate, March 2007), Ron Rosenbaum laments the "commodification" and "dumbing down" of yoga and the Eastern philosophy that gives meaning to the practice. One of his readers agreed wholeheartedly, writing that she stopped subscribing to Yoga Journal "when there were more recommendations for $130 pants and $4,000 retreats than there were actual discussions of philosophy and form." They could not have made the same complaints about the New Age in India- and that's a good thing.

Pasquini, E.. "Hinduism, Islam Discussed at San Francisco Ladies Consular Corps Luncheon." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 27, no. 5 (July 1, 2008): 48-49.

Activist Lobbies for Anti-War Resolution Forty years after Mill Valley resident Alan Barnett successfully helped lobby his town council to adopt a resolution urging then-President Lyndon B. Johnson to "immediately formulate a policy of peace in Vietnam and an orderly withdrawal," the 80-year-old activist is trying to do the same regarding the Iraq war. While the council adopted an anti-war resolution in 1968, 17 years later it changed its official policy to "not take a position for or against issues which are state or national in scope?" Barnett and fellow members of the Marin Peace and Justice Center are trying to change the city's position.

Peabody, N.. "Disciplining the Body, Disciplining the Body-Politic: Physical Culture and Social Violence among North Indian Wrestlers." Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 372-400.

In the early evening of 14 September 1989, ferocious Hindu-Muslim rioting broke out in the city of Kota in the north Indian state of Rajasthan. The rioting started during the Hindu festival of Anant Chaturdashi, while celebrants were taking out religious processions through the city. Although most of the violence occurred during that first night, it would be another three days before the Indian army could restore an uneasy peace to the city and nearly three weeks more would pass before the military curfew that eventually confined city's inhabitants to their houses for all but a few hours a day was fully lifted. The mayhem claimed the lives of twenty-six individuals and left a further ninety-nine injured in hospital. Countless more 'walking wounded' were treated on an outpatient basis in local dispensaries or by friends or neighbors. In addition, vandalism, arson, and looting caused property losses exceeding ten million rupees. Although Muslims constituted only 9 percent of the city's population of roughly half-a-million, they suffered the vast majority of the casualties and bore a disproportionate amount of property loss. By convention we commonly refer to such rioting as 'Hindu-Muslim violence,' but the parity implied in this formula is deeply misleading. The vast majority of victims were Muslims.

Prothero, S.. "Obama opens dialogue with Muslims in Egypt." Miami Times, June 24, 2009,

[Barack Obama] began Thursday's speech with the customary Muslim greeting: "Assalaamu alaykum,"or "peace be upon you." He invoked what he referred to as "the holy Quran" five times. And though he confessed his Christian faith, he reminded us that he is descended from Muslims in Kenya, and that he grew up in Indonesia hearing the Islamic call to prayer.

Just as he drew on Catholicism to argue for tolerance and mutual respect in the abortion debate, Obama drew on Islam to remind Muslims and Americans alike of the Islamic tradition's commitments to peace and religious pluralism. While Martin Luther King Jr. dreamed of Alabama becoming a place where Black children and white children would join hands as sisters and brothers, Obama dreamed of Jerusalem becoming "a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as ... when Moses, Jesus and Mohammed (peace be upon them ) joined in prayer."

This speech by our Empathy President has been billed as a call for a "new beginning" in the relationship between America and the Muslim world, but at its heart it was yet another Obamaesque call for religious pluralism and mutual respect. At his inauguration, Obama referred to the United States as "a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers." In South Bend, he traced the Golden Rule not just to Jesus but to "Christianity and Judaism ... Islam and Hinduism ... Buddhism and humanism." In Cairo, he confessed that it was this same rule that called him to Egypt to speak.

Rao, S.. "Hindu Prayer Opens State Legislatures For The First Time." Asianweek, March 28, 2008,

CUPERTINO, Calif. - Rajan Zed first sprinkled holy water from the Ganges River in India (Ganga jal) on the podium, a tradition in Hindu worship ceremony, before chanting "Om," which in Hinduism is used to introduce and conclude religious work. This marked the first recitation of the Hindu prayer to open a state Senate session in the history of the Arizona state Senate and House of Representatives in Phoenix on March 24.

In his sermon, Reno, Nev.-native Zed usually reads from ancient Hindu scriptures of Rig-Veda, Upanisads and Bhagavad-Gita (Song of the Lord), and ends with a universal call for peace in the Hindu tradition before concluding with "Om shanti, shanti, shanti, "which he then translated as "Peace, peace, peace be unto all."

Sperling, V.. "What Modern Parents Can Do." Hinduism Today, January 1, 2009, 54-55.

Focus on cultivating tolerance and patience in yourself. Treat the child as you would expect him to treat you when you grow old, powerless, dependent and needy. Talk to your child about the expression of positive rasas when the time is right. In the meantime, just show him by the example of your own behavior how the expression of positive rasas brings joy to the family. Set a family time-free from technology-to create an ideal environment for cultivating your child and teaching him about the display of positive rasas.

As children grow up and display rasas, parents need to continue to grow up as well-not just in the physical manifestations of age, the wrinkles and gray hair, but in wisdom. This is what a study of the display of rasas in childhood is all about: a caU for parents to monitor the growth of their wisdom. When parents learn to take charge of their own growth in terms of tolerance and empathy and resolve to let children be chUdren first, allowing them an age-appropriate display of rasas, they have an opportunity to become truly close to their children and know them in their totality. As children mature, good parents take the initiative for gently channeling their rasas at the appropriate time and place. When parents take this positive approach to child-rearing, the options of violent discipline and drug-based treatments become obsolete. While we continue to ponder who is raising whom, learning to flow with the rasas will bring about lasting peace and joy in many households.

Taylor, M.. "Irish Embrace Hinduism's Healing Heart." Hinduism Today, July 1, 2009, 32-35.

"Ani-mates" stallholder Paula Wynburne, of European parentage, said she was no ger conscious of looking different. In the past, she said, "Ireland was very insular, and it was quite racist." Paula welcomed the presence of Hinduism and other religions, "because it is not good for Northern Ireland to have just Catholics and Protestants." Fran and Tony had a Spanish food stall, La Terreta. "Indian people are good guys. I like them," said Fran. What does he think about Hinduism? "I am not a religious man. No politics, no religion."

Over the years, the Indian community has grown more diverse, and ICC is no longer the only game in town. [Ramesh Chada] explained, "Until ten years ago, 95% of Indians here were from the Punjab." Then South Indian students and professionals started to arrive, followed by Indians from a variety of regions and backgrounds. ArtsEkta, a multicultural group which celebrates diversity, began when young modernizers, Nisha Tandon, Mukesh Sharma and others, split from ICC around five years ago. The group emphasizes the arts rather than traditional religious activities. "So," I asked Nisha, "are you religious or not?" She replied that she does not feel the need to worship in temples or to fast, but she prays daily. Her favorite prayers? The Gayatri Mantra and and Satyameva Jayate, Indian's national motto, which means "Truth alone Triumphs."

Brian Lambkin, founding director of the Centre for Migration Studies in Omagh, praised the Festival of India as "a substantial expression of the rest of the world in the center of Belfast" which "broadens people's perspective and alters how the local community sees newcomers." The Indian community's role has been as "a means of integration and peace outside the political process," declared Duncan Morrow, director of Northern Ireland's Community Relations Council. "A non-white, non-Christian minority with a generosity of spirit created different conversations around difference, which fed back into conversations around sectarianism." Referring to the Indian community's outreach work, he added, "They engaged people on a totally different basis. They provided relief from a deadlocked sectarian strife." And the result? "Celebrating diversity became possible."

Vaswani, D.. "QUOTES & QUIPS." Hinduism Today, October 1, 2008, 14-15.

Man needs a guru. But a man must have faith in the guru's words. He succeeds in spiritual life by looking on his guru as God Himself. Therefore the Vaishnavas speak of guru, Krishna and Vishnu equally. Sri Ramakrishna Paramahansa (1836-1886)

If today is a typical day on planet Earth, we will lose 116 square miles of rainforest-an acre per second. Forty to a hundred species will disappear. Today, human population will increase by 250,000 and we will add 15 million tons of carbon to the atmosphere. By tonight, Earth will be a little hotter, its waters more acidic, and the fabric of life more threadbare. David OPP, American environmentalist, in a book published in 1991. If he said it today, the numbers would be 312 square miles, 130 species, 220,000 people and 60 million tons of carbon

It is impossible for me to reconcile with the idea of conversion as it happens today. It is an error and perhaps the greatest impediment to the world's progress toward peace. Why should a Christian want to convert a Hindu? Why should he not be satisfied if the Hindu is a good or godly man? Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948) As the bee takes the essence of a flower and flies away without destroying its beauty and perfume, so let the sage wander in this life. Dhammapada, 50

Veylanswami, S.. "Introduction to Hinduism." Hinduism Today, April 1, 2009, 10-16.

An unexpected Hindu resurgence has burst forth across the globe in the last twenty years, driven in part by the Hindu diaspora and in part by India's newfound pride and influence. Hinduism entered the 21st century with fervent force as recent generations discovered its treasures and its relevance to their times. Hinduism is going digital, working on its faults and bolstering its strengths. Leaders are stepping forth, parents are striving for ways to convey to their children the best of their faith to help them do better in school and live a fruitful life. Temples are coming up across the Earth by the thousands. Communities are celebrating Hindu festivals, parading their Deities in the streets of Paris, Berlin, Toronto and Sydney in grand style without worrying that people might think them odd or "pagan." Yoga is being universally practiced, in all faith communities. Eloquent spokesmen are now representing Hinduism's billion followers at international peace conferences, interfaith gatherings and discussions about Hindu rights. Hindu students in high schools and universities are going back to their traditions, turning to the Gods in the temples, not because their parents say they should, but to satisfy their own inner need, to improve their daily life, to fulfill their souls' call. When it comes time to explain our religion in any of these settings, we offer the following:

It is crucial, if we are to get along in an increasingly pluralistic world, that Earth's peoples learn about and appreciate the religions, cultures, viewpoints and concerns of their planetary neighbors. The [Sanatana Dharma], with its sublime tolerance and belief in the all-pervasiveness of Divinity, has much to contribute in this regard. Nowhere on Earth have religions lived and thrived in such close and harmonious proximity as in India. For thousands of years India has been a home to followers of virtually every major world religion, the exemplar of tolerance toward all paths. It has offered a refuge to Jews, Zoroastrians, Sufis, Buddhists, Christians and nonbelievers. Today over one hundred million Indians are Muslim, for the most part magnanimously accepted by their majority Hindu neighbors. Such religious amity has occurred out of an abiding respect for all genuine religious pursuits. The oft-quoted axiom that conveys this attitude is "Ekam sat anekah panthah," "Truth is one, paths are many." What can be learned from the Hindu land that has given birth to Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism and has been a generous protector of all other religions? India's original faith offers a rare look at a peaceful, rational and practical path for making sense of our world, for gaining personal spiritual insight, and as a potential blueprint for grounding our society in a more spiritually rewarding worldview.

Perhaps one of Hinduism's most refreshing characteristics is that it encourages free and open thought. Scriptures and gurus encourage followers to inquire and investigate into the nature of Truth, to explore worshipful, inner and meditative regimens to directly experience the Divine. This openness is at the root of Hinduism's famed tolerance of other cultures, religions and points of view, capsulated in the adage, "Ekam sat viprah bahuda vadanti" meaning "Truth is one, the wise describe it in different ways." The Hindu is free to choose his path, his way of approaching the Divine, and he can change it in the course of his lifetime. There is no heresy or apostasy in Hinduism. This, coupled with Hinduism's natural inclusiveness, gives little room for fanaticism, fundamentalism or closed-mindedness anywhere within the framework of Hinduism. It has been aptly called a threshold, not an enclosure.

Yogaswami, S.. "QUOTES & QUIPS." Hinduism Today, April 1, 2009, 20-21.

Sectarianism, bigotry and its horrible descendant, fanaticism, have long possessed this beautiful Earth. They have filled the Earth with violence, drenched it often with human blood, destroyed civilizations and sent whole nations to despair. Had it not been for these horrible demons, human society would be far more advanced than it is now. Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902), disciple of Sri Ramakrisha

From one seed arises a huge tree; from it comes numerous seeds, each one of which in its turn grows into a tree. No two fruits are alike. Yet it is one life that throbs in every particle of the tree. So, it is the same Atman everywhere. All creation is That. There is beauty in the birds and in the animals. They too eat and drink like us, mate and multiply; but there is this difference: we can realize our true nature, the Atman. Having been born as human beings, we must not waste this opportunity. Sri Anandamayi Ma, (1896-1982), Bengali mystic

The saints, sages and satgurus are Hinduism's holy men and women. Saints, devoid of ego, reflect the peace, humility and purity of a devout life. Sages, though perfectly liberated, may outwardly appear detached and ordinary. Satgurus, also fully enlightened, guide others on the path. Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami (1927-2001), founder of HINDUISM TODAY

Zore, P.. "Fear and voting in Kandhamal." India Abroad, April 24, 2009.

"We will not vote unless the people who have gone outside the state come back for voting," he asserts. "Nor can we go back to our homes as local Hindu leaders threaten us with murder if we ever went back," he says, making it clear he resents the police inaction.

"They have openly stated in front of all the district officials that peace can never return to Kandhamal unless Christians reconvert to Hinduism," he says. "What's the point [in voting] if others who have left the state can't vote and the state government can't provide adequate protection to Christians living in the district?"

"Yes, swamiji's death is an election issue," says Ashok Sahu, the Bharatiya Janata Party candidate for the Kandhamal Lok Sabha constituency. "That's the reason why I chose Kandhamal to contest."

Week of November 27-December 3, 2009 (Focus on Peace and Islam, Part 2 of 5 weekly segments on Peace and World Religions):

Zeki Saritoprak. "An Islamic Approach to Peace and Nonviolence: A Turkish Experience." The Muslim World 95, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 413-427.

Saritoprak discusses the Islamic approach to peace and nonviolence through an examination of the Turkish experience. Among others, he explores the Qur'an and the hadith perspective on peace and nonviolence. He further deals with Turkish Islamic figures who promoted peace and nonviolence through their teachings and activities, such as Suleyman Hilmi Tunahan, Mehmet Zahit Kotku, and expecially Bediuzzaman Said Nursi and Fethullah Gulen.

As'ad AbuKhalil. "Islam, Judaism, and the Political Role of Religions in the Middle East." Review. Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (July 1, 2005): 116-117.

Islam, Judaism, and the Political Role of Religions in the Middle East edited by John Bunzl is reviewed.

Carl Coon. "Islamophobia." The Humanist 66, no. 3 (May 1, 2006): 4-5.

Islamophobia is raising its ugly head in the US as in Europe. It's beginning to metastasize into a virulent form of xenophobia, an eruption of the atavistic human tendency to pick sides and then if necessary fight to the death for the side one chooses, and to not reason why. Coon asserts that to solve the problem, one should stand back and let cooler heads prevail. If anyone is to set an example of international good manners for the rest of the world, it should be, first and foremost, the Humanists.

David M Witty. "War, Terror, and Peace in the Qur'an and Islam: Insights for Military and Government Leaders." Review. The Journal of Military History 70, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 283-284.

Witty reviews War, Terror, and Peace in the Qur'an and Islam: Insights for Military and Government Leaders by T. P. Schwartz-Barcott.

Delinda C Hanley. "Jerusalem Women Speak." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 24, no. 4 (May 1, 2005): 65-66.

Congresswoman Eddie Bernice Johnson hosted a Mar 29 Capitol Hill briefing at the Rayburn House Office Building, the first stop of a Spring tour by Jerusalem Women Speak, sponsored by Partners for Peace. According to Jerri Bird, who founded Partners for Peace in 1998, each of the three tours will feature "extraordinary ordinary women."

Doug Marlette. "The Muslim Cartoon Controversy Exposed an Absence of Courage." Nieman Reports 60, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 84-86.

Marlette notes that the Muslim cartoon controversy exposed an absence of courage. He further marks that the continuing timidity of the American media looked increasingly like cowardice, appeasement, or better-you-than-me cynicism. By denying their audiences the opportunity to look at the images, American media outlets, with few exceptions, kept the public in the dark about the roots of one o the year's major news stories.

Elaina Loveland. "Toward Equality for All." International Educator 15, no. 4 (July 1, 2006): 20-23.

In 2003 Shirin Ebadi became the first Iranian and Muslim woman to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts toward achieving democracy and human rights for women and children, in particular. However, nondemocratic Islamic governments who do not wish to observe human life speak about the incompatibility of Islam and human rights. The most important issue is to support the United Nations and also the Commission on Human Rights and encourage the government to ratify the International Criminal Court Treaty.

James L Rowell. "Has Nonviolent Religion Been Trumped?" Theology Today 63, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 223-226.

Nonviolence in some form is essential to dispel the whirlwind of destruction that affects Iraq, but violence has become a quicker, easier, and much more relied upon tactic. Christians need to turn to the tactics of peace which Martin Luther King and Mohandas Gandhi pursued.

Laura el-Sabaawi. "War, Terror, & Peace in the Qur'an and in Islam: Insights for Military & Government Leaders." Review. The Middle East Journal 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 340.

El-Sabaawi reviews War, Terror, & Peace in the Qur'an and in Islam: Insights for Military & Government Leaders by T. P. Schwartz-Barcott.

Mahmood Monshipouri. "The Road to Globalization Runs through Women's Struggle: Iran and the Impact of the Nobel Peace Prize." World Affairs 167, no. 1 (July 1, 2004): 3-14.

The Nobel Peace Prize committee frequently has tried to use the prize to mobilize international pressure to promote universal human rights. Monshipouri argues that the prize could foster and strengthen Islamic feminism in all its forms in Iran, and discusses the ways in which it could profoundly influence the country's growing gender problems. The answer to the question of whether Iranian leaders will be more open to modernity and globalizing pressures has become inseparable from the extent to which women's rights are upheld.

Marvin F Zayed. "Reflections on the Concepts of Hudna and Tahd'ia." Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 13, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 101-103.

A clear exposition of this issue, the way Muslims deal with it, and the conditions under which they should accept peace with non-Muslims can be found in Mohammad Izzat Darwazah's book, Jihad for the Sake of Allah in the Qur'an and the Hadith. The writings of Muslim theologians, ranging from those predating Imam Ibn Taymiyya5 to the most articulate ideologue of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 20th century, the late Sayyed Qutb; and from the historical fuqaha' (theological scholars) to the contemporary al-Azhar and Qum scholars; show unanimous agreement that a peace treaty between Muslims and non-Muslims is a temporary period of time between wars.

Matthew S Hull. "Zenana: Everyday Peace in a Karachi Apartment Building." Review. Anthropological Quarterly 80, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 253-257.

The book's setting is a multi-story, lower-middle class apartment building, pseudonymously called "The Shipyard," sheltering nearly fifty families with members of most the major ethnic groups of Pakistan (Pattans, Baluchis, Punjabis, Sindhis) pursuing a variety of livelihoods (government doctors and engineers, teachers, shopkeepers). Ring argues both Western liberal ideology (figuring the home as a "private, feminine realm, cut off from the world of the political" [2]) and post-colonial studies (concentrating on Indian reformist views of the domestic as sites of cultural authenticity untouched by colonial power) have missed the broader political significance of what takes place within the zenana.

Mustafa Abu Sway. "The Concept of Hudna (Truce) in Islamic Sources." Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 13, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 20-27.

Ultimately, to sustain international peace and order, international laws and treaties require a combination of just conditions on the ground, good intentions, and a democratic (e.g., no veto rights) international body that has the mandate to stop the violators without discrimination. Successful indeed are the believers...who faithfully observe their trusts and their covenants(Qur'an 23:1-8).

Najwa Saad. "Queen Noor on "The Power of People With Faith to Accomplish Change"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 24, no. 4 (May 1, 2005): 67-68.

As the second speaker in the Mosaic Foundation's lecture series "Legends In Their Own Right," Queen Noor addressed a capacity crowd of more than 600 at the World Bank on Apr 4. Queen Noor spoke of having been viewed as "a traitor" by some, but of finding enormous value in her ability to bridge the United States and the Islamic world. Especially now, she is determined to do her part to facilitate a better life in the Arab world-and that includes the peace process between Israel and Palestine, to which she alluded several times.

Rachelle Marshall. "How the "War on Terrorism" Fuels More Violence." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 24, no. 7 (September 1, 2005): 7-9.

The week of Aug 15 was a time when two noteworthy events were to take place: the dismantling of Jewish settlements in Gaza, and the completion of a draft constitution in Iraq. But hopes that peace would eventually follow faded as Israel and the US remained unwilling to withdraw their troops--making resistance to the occupying armies continue, and provoking powerful countermeasures that in turn led to more violence. Marshall elaborates.

Rafia Zakaria. "Encyclopedia of Women in Islamic Cultures Vols. I and II." Review. NWSA Journal 18, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 202-205.

Ingrid Mattson's chapter on Islamic family law as it evolved in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries shows how this core moral prescription retained its centrality in Islamic law and was translated into the exclusion of women from the public sphere with the concomitant result that "the more scholarship became institutionalized and closely associated with the state, the less opportunity women may have had to participate in legal discourse" Vol. seek to absolve religion and point accusingly to the deficient practice of Islam as the root of gender inequality in the Muslim world-if only true Islam were practiced, such inequality would not exist; secular feminists who are suspicious of all political rhetoric tinged with religious discourse and advocate an extra-religious path toward reform eschewing all religious frameworks; and religious feminists, who can be situated somewhere between the other two, wish to acknowledge the role of Islam in the lives of Muslim women and mediate the tension between secularists and Islamists by finding routes for reform within the Islamic paradigm Vol.

Robert Azzi. "Deconstructing 'the Other'-And Ourselves." Nieman Reports 61, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 26-28.

[...] it shows what impact the pope's gestures have had here apparently on Turkish public opinion. -Margaret Warner, PBS When the Lehrer NewsHour 's correspondent Margaret Warner reported from Istanbul in November 2006 during the pope's visit, she casually dismissed centuries of understanding about Abrahamic monotheism by suggesting that the pope was praying to a different God than was the grand mufti.

Zachary Karabell. "Can't We All Just Get Along?" Commonweal 134, no. 10 (May 18, 2007): 8-9.

Every week for the past five years, there have been news stories of U.S. soldiers being killed in Iraq or Afghanistan; stories of Israeli Jews either attacking or being attacked by Palestinians; reports of sectarian Sunni Muslims in Baghdad murdering Shiites, and vice-versa; and Muslim militias ravaging the Darfur region of Sudan. Over the past few years, many religious groups have made Herculean efforts to bridge divisions through educational initiatives as well as gatherings of religious leaders. seeds for Peace and Search for Common Ground, for example, have brought Arabs and Israelis together to air grievances and develop bonds.

Awad, B.. "AFSC Search for Global Peace." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 26, no. 8 (November 1, 2007): 60-61.

Also speaking were W. Clinton Pettus, regional director of AFSC's Mid-Atlantic Region, Mubarak Awad of Nonviolence International, Sara Ibrahim of AFSC's Project Voice, Anise Jenkins of Stand-Up! for Democracy in DC Coalition, Aura Kanegis of AFSC, Walda Katz-Fishman of Howard University, Fidele Lumeya of Church World Service, Mindy Reiser of Global Peace Services USA, and Byron Sandford of William Penn House.

Cristina Jayme Montiel, and Maria Elizabeth J Macapagal. "Effects of Social Position on Societal Attributions of an Asymmetric Conflict." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 2 (March 1, 2006): 219-227.

Traditionally, the study of peace and conflict has employed macro explanations such as social structure and state conditions. This article extends the discourse on peace and conflict by considering psychological conditions during a heated social conflict. The focus is on societal attribution, a cognitive process involving shared beliefs about the causes of societal events. The present study examines the effects of social positions on causal attributions in an asymmetric conflict that is taking place in the Philippines on the war-torn island of Mindanao. It was expected that causal attributions of the Mindanao war would differ between Christians and Muslims. Four hundred and thirty Muslims and Christians at Mindanao State University-Marawi stated their degree of agreement on belief statements about perceived intergroup inequality and ranked the three most important causes of the conflict in Mindanao. Results indicated that power inequality between groups is perceived only by the disadvantaged Muslim group, while members in the dominant social position were not sensitized to systemic issues. Findings also indicated intergroup disagreements about the causes of the war. The marginalized Muslims believed that structural problems, namely, displaced and landless Bangsa Moro (Muslim Nation) and loss of rights to self-determination were important origins of the conflict. On the other hand, the dominant Christian group attributed the Mindanao conflict to person-related causes like corruption of the mind and moral fiber, as well as sociocultural discrimination. Implications for attribution theory and the practice of peacemaking in asymmetric conflicts are discussed.

Emmanuel Karagiannis, and Clark McCauley. "Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami: Evaluating the Threat Posed by a Radical Islamic Group That Remains Nonviolent." Terrorism & Political Violence 18, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 315-334.

Hizb ut-Tahrir is a transnational movement that currently finds support among young Muslims in Central Asia and Western Europe. It presents a complex challenge to both Western and Muslim governments because it calls for the unification of all Muslim countries into a single Caliphate but has consistently rejected violence as a tool of political change. In this paper we focus on Hizb ut-Tahrir in Uzbekistan, a country that is a key U.S. ally in the war on terrorism. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Central Asia, we find that social movement theories (resource mobilization theory, political opportunities theory, framing theory) cannot explain why Hizb ut-Tahrir has remained opposed to violence under the same circumstances in which the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the other important radical Islamic group in the region, has embraced violence. We suggest that ideology is crucial for understanding why Hizb ut-Tahrir remains peaceful, and consider several scenarios in which the group might reconsider its ideology and turn to terrorism.

Farhang, M.. "MARK LEVINE, Why They Don't Hate Us: Lifting the Veil on the Axis of Evil (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2005). Pp. 455. $27.50 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 584-585.

It is vastly different from the official story and the mainstream media coverage of the conflict, for he places the war in the context of the Bush administration's decision to use Iraq as a laboratory for its neoliberal design to remake the political economy of the Middle East region LeVine maintains that young Muslims are best positioned to join the global struggle for peace and justice, but the cultural imperialism of the economically progressive Western activists makes it difficult for them to identify with the movement.

Ferrone, R.. "Uncommon Opportunity." Commonweal 135, no. 1 (January 18, 2008): 8-9.

Egyptian Catholic Islamic expert, Samir Khalil Samir, SJ, writing in AsiaNews, observed that in Islam (from a Sunni perspective) every point of faith rests on three sources: the Qur'an, the traditions (hadith), and community consensus (ijma`), but consensus can be difficult to establish. Leaders of mainline Protestant churches, theologians, scholars, and heads of theological schools, and a wide variety of Catholics also signed the Yale statement, which attracted attention in the Muslim world by apologizing for the Crusades and for excesses against Muslims in the "war on terror."

Gee, J.. "Obama's Speech: "It's Really About the Arabs"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 6 (August 1, 2009): 37.

[...] I was left with a couple of impressions of the reasons for this attitude. [...] in choosing to make his first presidential sally into the Muslim world a visit to the Middle East, Obama made the right choice if his primary concern was to take on the issue of the Palestine conflict.

Gillespie, M.. "Third Annual Des Moines Peace Fair Features Diversity." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 27, no. 9 (December 1, 2008): 71.

Noting that television and media often traffic in stereotypes, he said the MSA works to provide accurate information about Islam to dispel unrealistic fears.

Haque, M.. "Islamic Peace Paradigms." Review. Journal of Third World Studies 24, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 247-249.

Fourth, in addition to negotiation, pure mediation, power mediation and arbitration, Islam brings the concepts of conciliation, consultation, interactive problem-solving strategy and conflict transformation by recognizing the rights of different tribes, nations and religious groups to bring social order as these processes fit to the larger scheme of peace.

Johnson, J.. "THINKING COMPARATIVELY ABOUT RELIGION AND WAR." Review. Journal of Religious Ethics 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 157-179.

In contrast to the period when the Journal of Religious Ethics began publishing, the study of religion in relation to war and connected issues has prospered in recent years. This article examines three collections of essays providing comparative perspectives on these topics, two recently authored studies of Buddhism and Islam in relation to war, and a compendious collection of texts on Western moral tradition concerning war, peace, and related issues from classical Greece and Rome to the present.

Margaret A Mills, and Sally L Kitch. ""Afghan Women Leaders Speak": An Academic Activist Conference, Mershon Center for International Security Studies, Ohio State University, November 17-19, 2005." NWSA Journal 18, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 191-201.
Afghan women activists emphasize that the first and continuing need in Afghanistan is physical security, which will enable developments in education, health care, and women's fuller social and political participation. Recent legal and electoral reform from above does not yet substantially affect grassroots gender inequality, severe poverty, and lack of infrastructural development. Real reform will require long-term, culturally sensitive collaboration among Afghan women activists, other progressive Afghans, and would-be external supporters. The conference participants see such progress as possible for Afghanistan only in a progressive Islamic ideological environment, which does not yet exist.

Sharapova, S.. "Islam, Oil, and Geopolitics, Central Asia after September 11." Review. Central Asian Survey 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 301.

Sharapova reviews Islam, Oil, and Geopolitics, Central Asia after September 11 edited by E.V.W. Davis and R. Azizian.

Sodiq, Y.. "Can Muslims and Christians Live Together Peacefully in Nigeria?" The Muslim World 99, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 646-688.

Week of November 20-November 27, 2009 (Focus on Peace and Religion, Begins five weekly segments on Peace and World Religions):

"Muslim-American Activism." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 53-56.

An introduction to the collection takes a cultural studies approach to Whorf, and the dissertation will be of interest to scholars of the postWorld War I decade because it places the discussions of religion, science, and language within a historical context. After the "war to end all wars," Alexander Korzybski devised his famous "structural differential" and launched the General Semantics movement while Ludwig Zamenhof and others devised and popularized the artificial language of Esperanto-both efforts by Polish intellectuals to promote international understanding and peace.) The "Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis" is discussed every day on the Internet, often with a "shock of recognition," to use Edmund Wilson's expression (borrowed from Melville.

CAPERN, A. "New Perspectives on the English Reformation." Journal of Religious History 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 235-253.

The historiography of the English Reformation has been driven by several key themes for three or four decades: the chronology of religious change and the success or failure of Protestantism to establish itself, the position of Puritanism vis-à-vis Church conformity, the role of Arminianism (anti-Calvinism) in doctrinal and ecclesiological debates and its impact on ecclesiastical politics and, more latterly, the continuities of ideas and beliefs between medieval Catholicism and Reformation Protestantism. This survey article on six new books in the field of Reformation studies argues that while the current historiography is generating very exciting work on the religious mentalite of early-modern English people and the transmission of ideas across the Catholic-Protestant divide, as well as generating a thriving debate on Calvinist consensus (or not) and the rise of Arminianism (or not), there are further rich seams to mine that incorporate gender into the analysis and that add the Atlantic World perspective to that of the European context for Reformation.

Clingingsmith, D., A. Khwaja, and M. Kremer. "Estimating the Impact of the Hajj: Religion and Tolerance in Islam's Global Gathering." The Quarterly Journal of Economics 124, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 1133.

Lobdell reviews Losing My Religion: How I Lost My Faith Reporting on Religion in America--and Found Unexpected Peace by William Lobdell.

Elshout, J. "Hamas a Necessary Partner for Peace." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 7 (September 1, 2009): 14-15.

Contrary to public opinion, however, Hamas has proffered positive pragmatic proposals that could have contributed to peace. [..] a durable peace requires Palestinian unity, and the refusal of the West to communicate with Hamas constitutes an obstacle to Israeli-Palestinian peace.

Evans, J., and J. Tonge. "Social Class and Party Choice in Northern Ireland's Ethnic Blocs." West European Politics 32, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 1012.

The peace process in Northern Ireland has not diminished the acute ethnic electoral faultline between the majority Protestant British population, supportive of parties favouring Northern Ireland's continuing place in the United Kingdom and the minority Catholic Nationalist population, which backs parties harbouring long-term ambitions for a united Ireland. Within each bloc, however, there has been a dramatic realignment in favour of parties once seen as extreme and militant. The Democratic Unionist Party has emerged as the main representative of the Protestant British population, whilst Sinn Fein, having for many years supported the Provisional IRA's 'armed struggle' against British rule, has become the dominant party amongst Catholic Nationalists. As both parties have entered the political mainstream and advanced electorally, to what extent have they moved from their electoral near-confinement among the working class to enjoy broader cross-class support - and how? [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Gifford, P., and F. Wijsen. "Seeds of Conflict in a Haven of Peace: From Religious Studies to Interreligious Studies in Africa." Review. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London 72, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 412-413.

Present-day Africa provides a breeding ground for interreligious conflict, yet African intellectuals seem not to address this. Noting the lack of any adequate theory of interreligious relations from an African perspective, Wijsen sets out to provide one. He addresses three questions: "First, why are African theologians and scholars of religion so remarkably silent about interreligious relations? Secondly, is there an African model for interreligious relations, and if so, what does it look like?

Hanley, D. "Prospects for Peace." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 53-54.

According to Halim Rane of Australia's Griffith University, religion has never played a positive role in the Holy Land.

Hilsdon, A. "Invisible Bodies: Gender, Conflict and Peace in Mindanao." Asian Studies Review 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 349-V.

Community forms of struggle such as clan feuds [ridos] are common within Muslim groups in Central and Western Mindanao, but these do not figure in classic scholarly definitions of "war" in the region and elsewhere (see Majul, 1999; McKenna, 1998), which emphasise larger political struggles against the state. [..] women seldom figure in explanations of either political or community conflict, as they have predominantly been considered integrally involved only in family life.4 Islam in the Philippines is diverse in its social and cultural expression, a pattern similarly noted for the Middle East by Akbar S. Ahmed (1992, p. 200) and Bryan S. Turner (1994, p. 13).

Jackson, P. "'Negotiating with Ghosts': Religion, Conflict and Peace in Northern Uganda." Round Table 98, no. 402 (June 1, 2009): 319.

This article outlines the current situation with regard to the Lord's Resistance Army and the possibilities for peace in Northern Uganda. It seeks to add to the discourse on rethinking Africa's international relations in the context of a specific conflict and with regard to a specific tool of the international community: the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its involvement in issuing warrants for insurgency leaders in October 2005. The article discusses the role of traditional justice systems and the ICC in ending the war, concluding that justice in Northern Uganda requires an end to the false dichotomy of 'traditional' and ICC approaches and that the two must complement each other in order to address the different groups within the LRA and the Acholi population. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Janowski, Z. "AGAINST THRONE AND ALTAR: MACHIAVELLI AND POLITICAL THEORY UNDER THE ENGLISH REPUBLIC." Review. First Things no. 196 (October 1, 2009): 63.

Nedham, with his idea of raison d'etat, made material interest- not justice, honor, or religion- a regulative principle in politics, and thus he was not only a student of Machiavelli but a real embodiment of MachiavelH's teaching. Nedham's contemporary, the poet John Milton, supported Oliver Cromwell. [..] for Milton- who was, after all, a representative of classical republicanism with virtue as its foundation- the failure of the republic was due to the fact that Britain was "not over fertile of men able to govern justlie & prudently in peace."

Karabin, G. "DOES MARX MAKE A RELIGIOUS TURN?" Philosophy Today 53, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 317-332.

[..] Marx's thought emerges from and remains within a JudeoChristian heritage.3 Given this horizon, his rejection of religious life should be understood as pertaining to these formations. According to his schema, only once the illusion is eliminated, only once the masses are no longer separated from their anguish by the buffer of a Utopian bUss, or the conviction that suffering is intelligible, will the necessity of action be fully apparent.

Kelly, J. "Vatican II: A Sociological Analysis of Religious Change." Review. Sociology of Religion 70, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 335-337.

[..] her lively narrative invites her reader to wonder what sort of contingent events are necessary so that a worldwide Catholicism might once again experience the inspiration of the Holy Spirit as it seeks to renew this century's increasingly less Western and more universal Catholicism so that it might bettet contribute to the world's search for peace and justice and solidarity?

Kim, C. "KOREAN SPIRITUALITY." Review. Pacific Affairs 82, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 343-345.

Korea may be, in fact, the only country in the world with an even number of Christians and Buddhists. [..] not only are the various religions coexisting in relative peace; they all seem to be growing and vibrant.

Lake, P. "HER PLACE IN THESE DESIGNS." Review. First Things no. 194 (June 1, 2009): 59.

A religious skeptic, aware of the contingencies of chance and fate, Espaillat employs the language of religion- grace, redemption, peace, love, blessed- so as to suggest a fundamentally religious vision, where certainty, which eludes us when we seek / in reason's name, will come for love; where, though God may seem absent any father of the drowned, I the burned, the starved, the gassed, be named and found I until pity and shame have made Him be. -

Merkle, J. "GLOBALIZATION, SPIRITUALITY, AND JUSTICE: NAVIGATING THE PATH TO PEACE." Review. Theological Studies 70, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 727-728.

G. identifies resources firmly within the lived ecclesiastical tradition that can ground the quest for justice, allowing neither a divorce of piety from the realities of the 21st century nor an isolation of concern for justice simply to the self -initiated who are socially inclined. A Christian theological reflection that is attentive to poverty and in dialogue with world religions and other academic disciplines is capable of helping us respond to the challenges of building an alternative world today.

O'Hanlon, G. "CHRISTIAN POLITICAL ETHICS." Review. Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 496-498.

The contributors are distinguished Christian scholars from diverse theological and ethical perspectives - Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anabaptist, though not Orthodox - and they deal with issues around state and civil society, boundaries and justice, pluralism, international society, and war and peace. The final section, on war and peace, provides an interesting contrast between two paired pieces (by John Finnis and Joseph Boyle) from the just war, "realist" school of Catholic natural law that substantially agree with each other, and two pieces (by Theodore Koontz and Michael Cartwright) from a pacifist stance.

Purcell, H. "Paris Peace Discord." History Today 59, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 38-40.

According to Hunter Miller, this was a clear reference to Cecil and the British Empire Delegation; it was they who prevented the adoption. [..] there was no chance to vote.

Ross, E. "Fighting the Greater Jihad: Amadu Bamba and the founding of the Muridiyya of Senegal, 1853-1913/Sufism and Jihad in Modern Senegal: the Murid Order." Review. African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 493-495.

Sheikh Amadu Bamba Mback?e resolutely rejected the lesser jihad, which had dominated politico-religious discourse in Senegambia since the eighteenth century, in favour of the greater one, and he helped establish proper Muslim comportment as the new, reformed, civil norm. [..] in his rejection of the lesser jihad, the Sufi sheikh committed himself and his nascent movement to peace.

Sabl, A. "The Last Artificial Virtue: Hume on Toleration and Its Lessons." Political Theory 37, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 511.

David flume's position on religion is, broadly speaking, "politic": instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading flume's position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume's other "artificial virtues" (justice, fidelity to promises, allegiance to government), is a universally useful response to our universal partiality--as Established uniformity, however tempting, is not. This implies that toleration can progress through political learning, becoming broader and more constitutionally established overtime. A sophisticated Humean approach thus shares the stability and nonnative attractiveness of respect- or rights- based arguments while responding more acutely and flexibly to problems the former often slights: antinomian religious extremism; underdefined political agency; and internationalized, politicized religious movements. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Sandberg, B. "Governing Passions: Peace and Reform in the French Kingdom, 1576-1585." Review. Journal of Social History 43, no. 1 (October 1, 2009): 234-236.

The texts of speeches that French notables presented during Estates General meetings, peace conferences, official ceremonies, and other assemblies circulated in manuscript and printed copies, provoking political debates and promoting reform agendas. Mark Greengrass weaves together an immense body of speeches, reform proposals, lectures, procès verbaux, and pamphlets conserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and various municipal and departmental archives, producing an impressive history of French political culture during Henri Ill's reign.

Sleeper, J. "AMERICAN BRETHREN: Hebrews and Puritans." World Affairs 172, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 46-60.

[..] Niebuhr noted, the children of darkness misuse that wisdom to manipulate and discourage do-gooders who think that all people can be led by example to peace and light. [..] Niebuhr added, The children of light must be armed with the wisdom of the children of darkness but remain free from their malice.

Sodiq, Y. "Can Muslims and Christians Live Together Peacefully in Nigeria?" The Muslim World 99, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 646-688.
The Nigerian constitution provides and guarantees for each citizen the freedom of religion, religious practice, and religious education.7 These rights are generally observed throughout Nigeria. [..] places of worship are freely established,8 and no restrictions are placed on the number of clergy trained in Nigeria9 or on the number of people who may perform pilgrimage.

Wilson, P. "WHO WON THE THIRTY YEARS WAR?" History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 12-19.

Dame Veronica Wedgwood concluded her celebrated account of the Thirty Years War, first published in 1938, by claiming it 'solved no problem' and was 'the outstanding example in European history of meaningless conflict.' The voting procedure in the imperial diet and other institutions was changed to protect Protestants from the in-built Catholic majority where the agenda touched matters of religion.

Yaremko, J. "Cuba: Religion, Social Capital, and Development." Review. The Americas 66, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 294-295.

Anonymous. "Cross Examination." Commonweal 136, no. 17 (October 9, 2009): 7-12.

Evidently, the Vatican is concerned that the LCWR has not been forthcoming about the mag is ter i urn's teachings regarding the ordination of women, the relation of the Catholic Church to non-Christian religions, and the "intrinsically disordered" nature of homosexual acts. The Vatican's visitation - conducted under the auspices of the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (CICLSAL) - does not assess the "quality of life" of cloistered orders of Carmelites, Benedictines, Dominicans, or other communities devoted to the monastic contemplative life. Rather, the visitation exclusively targets active women religious whose centers and houses of formation are in the United States - women educated here and trained for religious life here, women who work with major health-care and educational institutions in this country, and who collaborate with one another financially on ministerial projects such as peace and justice ministries.

Anonymous. "LETTERS." First Things no. 193 (May 1, 2009): 2-12.

[..] Christian nations have developed capitalism, which today is eliminating world poverty faster than all the charitable giving and government grants in our world can ever hope to do. Could it be, perhaps, that an active faith of some kind is required in order to be rational? [..] to decide accurately whether God exists may require a more whole-person response, rather than just a mind or language game "in the head."

Week of November 5-November 12, 2009 (Focus on Peace and Religion, Begins four-week segments on Peace and World Religions):

Basedau, M., and J. Lay. "Resource Curse or Rentier Peace? The Ambiguous Effects of Oil Wealth and Oil Dependence on Violent Conflict." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 757.

The 'resource curse' hypothesis claims that abundance in natural resources, particularly oil, encourages especially civil war. Natural resources provide both motive and opportunity for conflict and create indirect institutional and economic causes of instability. Contrarily, the theory of the rentier state - largely neglected in the study of peace and war in this respect - suggests that regimes use revenue from abundant resources to buy off peace through patronage, large-scale distributive policies and effective repression. Consequently, such rentier states would tend to be more stable politically and less prone to conflict. These two theories thus imply ambivalent effects of resource abundance on conflict proneness. This article presents part of a solution to this apparent puzzle for the case of oil-producing countries. The key argument is that both resource wealth per capita and resource dependence need to be taken into account, since only the availability of very high per capita revenues from oil allows governments to achieve internal stability. The empirical analysis supports this hypothesis. The findings of multivariate cross-country regressions indicate a U-shaped relationship between oil dependence and civil war onset, while high resource wealth per capita tends to be associated with less violence. The results of a macro-qualitative comparison for a reduced sample of highly dependent oil exporters are even more clearcut. Using the same reduced sample, we find that oil-wealthy countries apparently manage to maintain political stability by a combination of large-scale distribution, high spending on the security apparatus and protection by outsiders. Compared to oil-poor countries and in contradiction to the rentier state theory, the institutions of oil-wealthy countries do not seem to be particularly characterized by patronage and clientelism.

Beamish, T., and A. Luebbers. "Alliance Building across Social Movements: Bridging Difference in a Peace and Justice Coalition." Social Problems 56, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 647-676.

Alliance building across social movement groups is an important aspect of social movement dynamics, contributing to their viability and capacity to promote social change. Yet, with few exceptions, cross-movement coalitions have received little sustained theoretical or empirical attention. This article contributes to an understanding of cross-movement coalition building through the examination of a successful case of alliance: a coalition of environmental justice and peace and anti-weapons proliferation groups to stop a federally funded U.S. biodefense laboratory from being built and operated in Roxbury, Massachusetts. Cross-movement collaboration was challenged by tensions arising from differences in positionality. Positional differences reflect status distinctions such as race, class, gender, and place and the differential experiences and expectations that result. Nonetheless, this coalition was able to resolve positional tensions and, as a result, remained a viable protest vehicle. We found this was accomplished through a cross-movement bridging process that involved (1) cause affirmation, (2) strategic deployment, (3) exclusion, and (4) co-development of cross-movement commitments. We extend existent accounts of cross-movement coalition by providing both a culturally founded and fine-grained account of coalition work in the maintenance of alliance relations. The article and its conclusions also address the broader implications of understanding successful trans-positional cross-movement alliances.

Berhane-Selassie, T.. "The Gendered Economy of the Return Migration of Internally Displaced Women in Sierra Leone :[1]." The European Journal of Development Research 21, no. 5 (December 1, 2009): 737.

Focusing on the return home of victims of sexual violence in Sierra Leone, this article shows how the decade-long conflict resulted in transforming women's lives for the worse. Abuses led not only to discontinuities in their marital lives, but, subsequently, also to accusations of pollution. On returning home, therefore, the women were marginalized from their marriage-based rights of access to land. Their efforts to reverse this meant making a fresh start with men, including their husbands. This article, in outlining their culture-bound economic, personal and social challenges, underlines how the women perceive and seek to deal with the entangling webs of their subordination. Juxtaposing their strategies with women's universal human rights, it advocates their inclusion in the records, analysis and policy considerations of transformative development and peace processes.

Berhane-selassie, T.. "The Gendered Economy of the Return Migration of Internally Displaced Women in Sierra Leone." The European Journal of Development Research 21, no. 5 (December 1, 2009): 737-751.

Cet article se penche sur le retour dans leurs communautés d'origine de femmes victimes de violences sexuelles pendant le conflit qui a affecté le Sierra Leone pendant plus d'une décennie et sur les effets des violences subies sur leurs vies. Les abus dont elles ont été victimes ont non seulement mené à des ruptures dans leurs vies conjugales, mais aussi à des accusations de pollution sociale. Ces femmes ont donc été marginalisées, et privées de leurs droits liés au mariage, tel que l'accès à la terre. Leurs efforts pour inverser cette tendance ont nécessité l'établissement de nouvelles relations avec les hommes, y compris avec leurs maris. Cet article décrit les défis économiques, personnels, et sociaux - liés au contexte culturel local - auxquels ces femmes ont dû faire face, soulignant en particulier la manière dont elles perçoivent et cherchent à gérer des relations complexes de dépendance. En juxtaposant ces stratégies avec les droits humain universels des femmes, cet article préconise leur prise en compte dans l'analyse et la détermination des politiques de développement transformatiste, ainsi que des processus de résolution de conflits.

Brulé, D., and L. Williams. "Democracy and Diversion: Government Arrangements, the Economy, and Dispute Initiation." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 777.

Do legislative constraints constrain or compel democratic executives' conflict behavior during periods of economic decline? Although institutional constraints are thought to reduce democratic executives' propensity to engage in interstate conflict, other research suggests that such constraints may provide incentives to engage in diversionary uses of force. Incorporating work from the comparative study of economic voting and cross-national research on the diversionary use of force, this article contends that government arrangements - coalition, minority, weak party cohesion - influence democratic conflict behavior by (1) shaping the extent to which the executive is held accountable for the economy and (2) determining the executive's capacity to address the economy with legislation. Specifically, the argument presented here suggests that governing parties in coalition governments share the blame for a poor economy, reducing the likelihood that the executive initiates disputes in response to the economy. Compared to single-party majority governments with high party discipline, executives presiding over minority governments, or whose parties are plagued by a lack of cohesion, are more likely to initiate disputes when faced with poor economic conditions, because these executives are likely to face resistance to remedial economic policy. Probit analyses of the interactive effects of government arrangements and economic performance on dispute initiation among industrialized democracies, 1950-97, support the argument. The article concludes with implications for research in comparative politics and international relations, including, for example, executive-legislative relations and strategic conflict avoidance.

Bruton, B.. "In the Quicksands of Somalia." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 79-94.

The US government needs to change its Somalia policy -- and fast. For the better part of two decades, instability and violence have confounded US and international efforts to bring peace to Somalia. The international community's repeated attempts to create a government have failed, even backfired. The US' efforts since 9/11 to prevent Somalia from becoming a safe haven for al Qaeda have alienated large parts of the Somali population, polarized the country's diverse Islamist reform movement into moderate and extremist camps, and propelled indigenous Salafi jihadist groups to power. For now, the US should commit itself to a strategy that promotes development without regard to governance. At the same time, it will have to continue its counterterrorism efforts, although preferably in the form of monitoring and deradicalization strategies pursued in cooperation with the local population rather than air strikes. And it must learn to understand the value of relationships that local rivals build in pursuit of common economic goals.

Caprioli, M., V. Hudson, B. Ballif-Spanvill, C. Emmett, and S. Stearmer. "The WomanStats Project Database: Advancing an Empirical Research Agenda." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 839.

This article describes the WomanStats Project Database - a multidisciplinary creation of a central repository for cross-national data and information on women available for use by academics, policy-makers, journalists, and all others. WomanStats is freely accessible online, thus facilitating worldwide scholarship on issues with gendered aspects. WomanStats contains over 260 variables for 174 countries and their attendant subnational divisions (where such information is available) and currently contains over 68,000 individual data points. WomanStats provides nuanced data on the situation and status of women internationally and in so doing facilitates the current trend to disaggregate analyses. This article introduces the dataset, which is now publicly available, describes its creation, discusses its utility, and uses measures of association and mapping to draw attention to theoretically interesting patterns concerning the various dimensions of women's inequality that are worthy of further exploration. Two of nine variables clusters are introduced - women's physical security and son preference/sex ratio. The authors confirm the multidimensionality of women's status and show that the impact of democracy and state wealth vary based on the type of violence against women. Overall, the authors find a high level of violence against women worldwide.

Etzioni, A.. "Israel: Samson's Children." Society 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 477.

Etzioni narrates that some people believe that Israel can be saved by what is called the two state solution, which would lead Palestinians and Jews to live side by side in security and peace--and pacify the Arab world and Iran to boot. However, he tells that no one believes that this road can be traveled quickly. Moreover, he stresses that no decent human being would oppose finding a diplomatic way out of the mounting crisis. Yet as the clouds gather and darken, for those who care, the question of the steps that must be taken if diplomacy fails can no longer be avoided.

Freedman, L.. "Recent Books on International Relations: Military, Scientific, and Technological: A Fiery Peace in a Cold War: Bernard Schriever and the Ultimate Weapon." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 157.

GAJDA, A.. "DEBATING WAR AND PEACE IN LATE ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND." The Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 851-878.
ABSTRACT

Peace with Spain was debated by Elizabeth I's government from 1598, when France and Spain made peace by signing the Treaty of Vervins. Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex was zealously hostile to accommodation with Spain, while other privy councillors argued in favour of peace. Arguments for and against peace were, however, also articulated in wider contexts, in particular in a series of manuscript treatises, and also in printed tracts from the Netherlands, which appeared in English translation in the late 1590s. This article explores ways that ideas of war and peace were disseminated in manuscript and printed media outside the privy council and court. It is argued that disagreement about the direction of the war reveals differing contemporary responses to the legitimacy of the Dutch abjuration of Spanish sovereignty and the polity of the United Provinces, which have implications for our understanding of political mentalities in late Elizabethan England.

Gaibulloev, K., and T. Sandler. "Hostage Taking: Determinants of Terrorist Logistical and Negotiation Success." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 739.

This article investigates the determinants of logistical and negotiation success from the terrorists' viewpoint in hostage-taking missions. Logistical success indicates that the terrorists apparently completed the mission as planned, while negotiation success means that the terrorists received some of their initial demands. In the empirical analysis, the article utilizes a new dataset on hostage incidents from 1978 through 2005 for the logit regressions. Empirical results broadly support the authors' theoretical predictions. Logistical success depends positively on terrorist resources and target vulnerability, while negotiation success increases with the relative disagreement values and relative bargaining strengths of the terrorists. More specifically, terrorist success at the execution stage depends positively on kidnappings and large hostage grabs and varies negatively with attack force diversity and terrorist casualties. Negotiation success depends on bargaining variables (i.e. the number of hostages, casualties, incident duration, and other proxies). The article shows that the factors that determine terrorist negotiation success differ between kidnappings and non-kidnappings (i.e. skyjackings, the takeover of buildings, and the hijacking of non-aerial means of transport), owing to location and other considerations (e.g. types of demands). In particular, making multiple demands bolsters negotiated success in non-kidnappings, while demanding money fosters negotiated success in kidnappings. Lengthier incidents have a positive influence on the likelihood of terrorists gaining concessions in kidnappings and non-kidnappings.

Geary, F., and H. Alonso. "Robert E. Sherwood: The Playwright in Peace and War." Theatre Survey 50, no. 2 (November 1, 2009): 361-363.

Gillespie, M.. "Waging Peace: Des Moines Activists Send Anti-War Message to President Obama." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 8 (November 1, 2009).

Efforts on behalf of health care insurance reform have occupied substantial amounts of time and energy among U.S. peace and social justice organizations and activists in recent months. [...] with a Democratic president in the White House, some who were more vocal and active in their opposition to U.S. military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan during the Bush/Cheney administration have muted their criticism of Obama's decision to widen the war in Afghanistan.

Grodsky, B.. "Re-Ordering Justice: Towards A New Methodological Approach to Studying Transitional Justice." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 819.

Scholars and policymakers have turned increasing attention to questions of transitional justice, those legal responses to a former regime's repressive acts following a change in political systems. Although there is a rich, interdisciplinary literature that addresses the value of various transitional justice measures, theoretical arguments for how and under what conditions we should expect to see these measures implemented tend to gravitate to intuitively appealing relative power considerations. But attempts at parsimony have tended to leave the dependent variable either overly restrictive or poorly defined, yielding theories that are difficult to test. In this article, the author proposes a 'transitional justice spectrum' based on a hierarchical series of possible accountability mechanisms and designed to allow researchers to conduct more rigorous, cross-national tests of justice arguments. The objective here is not to posit a broad theory of transitional justice, but to open the debate into a methodological weakness in the transitional justice literature. The article includes seven accountability mechanisms: cessation and codification of human rights violations; condemnation of the old system; rehabilitation and compensation for victims; creation of a truth commission; purging human rights abusers from public function; criminal prosecution of 'executors' (those lower on the chain-of-command); criminal prosecution of commanders (those higher on the chain-of-command).

Hall, J., and R. Lawson. "Economic Freedom and Peace." Atlantic Economic Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 445-446.

Her, K.. "Putting Compassion into Action." Taiwan Review 59, no. 11 (November 1, 2009): 1.

Her discusses the important role played by non-governmental organizations in assisting Taiwan in its recovery from Typhoon Morakot. Two of which are the Chang Yung-fa Charity Foundation and Taiwan Root Medical Peace Corps, composed of physicians, nurses, pharmacists, medical technologists and logistics volunteers.

Jacobsson, A.. "War and peace--cyclical phenomena?" Public Choice 141, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2009): 467-480.

This paper demonstrates how the analysis can differ dramatically between two common static modeling approaches to conflict. The first approach uses a one-period setup and associates positive arms investments with conflict. The second approach has two periods, where arming decisions are taken in the first period, and the decision on whether to go to war is taken separately in the second. Building on the latter approach, I introduce a repeated game protocol with myopic players. Under these circumstances countries may end up in cycles of war and peace. This result offers a novel explanation for a common pattern in history.

Koch, M.. "Governments, Partisanship, and Foreign Policy: The Case of Dispute Duration." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 799.

Do variations in partisanship and political outcomes among democratic states affect the duration of militarized interstate disputes? To answer this question, the author develops a model of partisan competition derived from the government failure literature. The author argues factors associated with government failure determine the ability of governments to contend with the domestic political costs of militarized disputes, specifically the duration of those disputes. The author tests his expectations using hazard analysis on a dataset of 20 democratic governments and militarized disputes between 1945 and 1992. The results suggest the outcome of party competition in the form of a government's sensitivity to the potential political costs of conflict is an important part of the conflict process. The author concludes that differences in domestic political outcomes influence the duration of militarized interstate disputes. Governments that are politically more secure in their tenure engage in longer disputes. Alternatively, governments that are more vulnerable have significantly shorter disputes. In addition, because government partisanship contributes to vulnerability, it also affects dispute duration, with governments of the left engaging in shorter disputes, while governments of the right fight longer disputes.

Lieber, K., and D. Press. "The Nukes We Need." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 39-51.

Nuclear weapons helped keep the peace in Europe throughout the Cold War, preventing the bitter dispute from engulfing the continent in another catastrophic conflict. But after nearly 65 years without a major war or a nuclear attack, many prominent statesmen, scholars, and analysts have begun to take deterrence for granted. They are now calling for a major drawdown of the US nuclear arsenal and a new commitment to pursue a world without these weapons. Debating the future of the US nuclear arsenal is critical now because the Obama administration has pledged to pursue steep cuts in the force and has launched a major review of US nuclear policy. The nuclear forces the US builds today must be able to act as a reliable deterrent, even in much darker times. Many of those who recommend a much smaller US nuclear arsenal fail to consider the great difficulties of maintaining deterrence during conventional wars.

Marshall, R.. "Effects of Past U.S. Policy Remain to Haunt Obama." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 8 (November 1, 2009).

According to Afghan scholar Tamim Ansary, the insurgency is "fueled more by rural resentment, tribal nationalism and Afghan xenophobia than by any global ideology." [...] Palestinians and others with U.S. or European citizenship who open a West Bank business cannot buy or sell goods in Jerusalem, and similarly those in Jerusalem cannot do business in the West Bank.

McArthur, S.. "House, Senate Letters Want Arab States to Make "Dramatic Gestures Toward Israel"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 8 (November 1, 2009).

The letter cites "concrete measures" taken by Israel "to reaffirm its commitment to advancing the peace process" (but nowhere mentions illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied territories), and it encourages "Arab leaders to take similar tangible steps to demonstrate their commitment to the peace process." First was the 25-member Republican delegation, headed by Republican House Whip (and the only Republican Jewish member of Congress) Eric Cantor (R-VA).

Nathan, A.. "Recent Books on International Relations: Asia and Pacific: Dragon Fighter: One Woman's Epic Struggle for Peace With China." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 170.

Patel, S.. "Buffalo Soldiers Reburied." Archaeology 62, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 12.

The 64 soldiers and civilian men, women, and children left behind in the cemetery at Fort Craig, a Civil War-era outpost near Socorro NM, finally have peace. The cemetery came to the attention of federal authorities in 2005, as part of an investigation into criminal looting of the site--including the theft of the remains of Buffalo Soldiers who served and died at the fort. Following a criminal investigation that identified one of the Southwest's most destructive looters, federal authorities decided to exhume and rebury any additional remains to keep them safe from illegal digging.

Robinson, G., and M. Klein; Watzman. "A Possible Peace between Israel and Palestine: An Insider's Account of the Geneva Initiative." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 671-672.

Suedfeld, P., and R. Jhangiani. "Cognitive Management in an Enduring International Rivalry: The Case of India and Pakistan." Political Psychology 30, no. 6 (December 1, 2009): 937-951.

Using integrative complexity scoring, the current study addresses how communications by leaders of India and Pakistan have revealed their information processing and decision-making strategies. The hostility between India and Pakistan started with the official creation of the two states and has lasted through more than a half-century. It has been marked by four full-scale wars and almost constant ethnopolitical, terrorist, and guerrilla violence. It is one of the most enduring and bloody binational rivalries of recent decades. Shared aspects of history and culture make the comparisons relatively free of confounding factors. In common with previous findings, complexity scores have shown reliable associations with impending war and with continued peace (or low-intensity conflict).

Wall, A.. "The great purge of 1625: 'the late Murraine amongst the Gentlemen of the peace'." Historical Research 82, no. 218 (November 1, 2009): 677-693.

It is known that late in 1625 some county J.P.s were dismissed, but close investigation reveals there was in fact a major purge. On 22 December 1625, chancery issued new commissions of the peace to remove justices. But how can we discover who, how many, and why? For at least 20 counties we can reconstruct the composition of the commissions of the peace, and show that between thirty and forty per cent of J.P.s were abruptly dismissed. It was not only the lazy or the insignificant that lost their places, but nobles, knights and those who had carried the burden of sessions work--especially if they had opposed King Charles and the duke of Buckingham.

al-Faisal, T.. "Land First, Then Peace." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 8 (November 1, 2009).

[...] while Israel's neighbors want peace, they cannot be expected to tolerate what amounts to theft, and certainly should not be pressured into rewarding Israel for the return of land that does not belong to it. [...] Israel heeds President Obama's call for the removal of all settlements, the world must be under no illusion that Saudi Arabia will offer what the Israelis most desire-regional recognition.

Anonymous, . "THE FUTURIST BOOKSHELF." Review. The Futurist 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 61-63.

Fourteen new and noteworthy books are reviewed. These include: Building Peace: Practical Reflections from the Field, edited by Craig Zelizer and Robert A. Rubinstein; Futures Research Methodology: Version 3.0, edited by Jerome C. Glenn and Theodore J. Gordon; How We Decide, by Jonah Lehrer; Long-Range Futures Research: An Application of Complexity Science, by Robert H. Samet; The Overflowing Brain: Information Overload and the Limits of Working Memory, by Torkel Klingberg; The Parents We Mean to Be: How Well-Intentioned Adults Undermine Children's Moral and Emotional Development, by Richard Weissbourd; The Passionate Mind Revisited: Expanding Personal and Social Awareness, by Joel Kramer and Diana Alstad; The Penn Center Guide to Bioethics, edited by Vardit Ravitsky; The Price of Perfection: Individualism and Society in the Era of Biomedical Enhancement, by Maxwell J. Mehlman; 2009 State of the Future, by Jerome C. Glenn, Theodore J. Gordon, and Elizabeth Florescu; Taming the Dragons of Change in Business: 10 Tips for Anticipating, Embracing, and Using Change to Achieve Success, by Richard G. Stieglitz.

Avnery, U.. "The Drama and the Farce: Obama's Mini Mideast Summit." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 8 (November 1, 2009).

Obama had demanded a freeze of all settlement activity, including East Jerusalem, as a condition for convening a tripartite summit meeting, in the wake of which accelerated peace negotiations were to start, leading to peace between two states-Israel and Palestine. The arsenal is inexhaustible-from a threat by the U.S. not to shield the Israeli government with its veto in the Security Council, to delaying the next shipment of arms. The impression is rapidly gaining ground that he is indeed an inspiring speaker with an uplifting message, but a weak politician, unable to turn his vision into reality.

Week of October 28-November 5, 2009 (Focus on the Cold War and Peace):

Ban Ki-moon. "Disarm nuclear weapons for peace." The Atlanta Journal - Constitution, August 7, 2009,

[...] I urged the Security Council to consider other ways to strengthen security in the disarmament process, and to assure non-nuclear-weapon states against nuclear weapons threats. [...] I am urging progress in eliminating other weapons of mass destruction and limiting missiles, space weapons and conventional arms --- all of which are needed for a nuclear weapon-free world.

CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER. "IRAN WANTS TO ANNIHILATE ISRAEL; THE U.S. MUST FOCUS ON DETERRENCE." Pittsburgh Post - Gazette, April 12, 2008,

On Tuesday, Iran announced it was installing 6,000 more centrifuges -- they produce enriched uranium, the key ingredient of a nuclear weapon -- in addition to the 3,000 already operating. During the Cold War, both the United States and the Soviet Union created vast and invulnerable submarine fleets to ensure a retaliatory strike and, thus, deterrence.

Kevin Bonham. "N.D.'s contribution to the Cold War." Grand Forks Herald, July 12, 2009,

In the Cold War period, the nuclear missiles served as fortification--modern-day forts--against the constant threat of war from the Soviet Union. Because of the missile fields, North Dakota commonly was called the world's third largest nuclear power. McNamara served as Secretary of Defense from 1961 to 1968, under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. Besides being considered the chief architect of the Vietnam War, he was a key player in the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, when Soviet nuclear missiles were discovered in Cuba and the world teetered on the threshold of nuclear war for 13 days.

Mark Babineck. "At the heart of new nuclear weapons: Pantex looks to build plutonium cores in addition to disassembly." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 28 October2007 ***[insert pages]***

Pantex also is one of five sites under consideration for a new "consolidated plutonium center" to process and build the lethal hearts of nuclear warheads -- the plutonium cores that cause the mushroom-cloud detonations when properly triggered.

Arancibia-Clavel, F.. "CHILE and ARGENTINA: From Measures of Trust to Military Integration." Military Review, September 1, 2007, 104-108.

Chile and Argentina must design a new institutional process to * Advance a common security and defense policy. * Bring together political, politico-strategic, and strategic managers to obtain efficient results when common goals present themselves. * Define and monitor the creation of combined units. * Establish military personnel systems that facilitate interoperability. * Standardize armament, materiel, equipment, and logistic procedures. * Continue with other developed measures.

Ayam, J.. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF NIGERIA-U.S. RELATIONS." Journal of Third World Studies 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 117-132.

[...] U.S. President Eisenhower's message, for instance, assured Nigeria's leaders of U.S. support but cautioned on possible threats coming from without-an ostensible reference to the former Soviet Union.2 But Nigeria's Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, did not wish his country's newly won sovereignty and independence to be dragged into the Cold War rivalry between the East and West. [...] the two nations would, in future, continue to explore close political, diplomatic and economic ties due to the significance of the economic interests that bind the two nations: the importance of Nigerian oil to the U.S. economy in addition to the large market for American goods while Nigeria would continue to search for technology and investment avenues from the American market.

Bratcher, D.. "A Fiery Peace in a Cold War." Review. Washingtonian, October 1, 2009, 13.

A Fiery Peace in a Cold War by Neil Sheehan is reviewed.

Brown, J.. "War, Peace and Army Transformation." Army, July 1, 2009, 86-87.

The war we were in trumped the more distant future. [...] Objective Force technologies likely to be useful in Iraq and Afghanistan were brought forward and fielded as rapidly as possible. Global positioning systems, satellite communications, digital equipment of many types and various off-the-shelf equipment procured through the Rapid Fielding Initiative became similarly ubiquitous.

Dabelko, G.. "AN UNCOMMON PEACE: Environment, Development, and the Global Security Agenda." Environment 50, no. 3 (May 1, 2008): 32,34-41,43-45.

In 1988, nuclear war was undoubtedly the gravest" threat facing the environment, according to Our Common Future, commonly known as the Brundtland report.1 The possible environmental consequences of thermonuclear war-radioactive contamination, nuclear winter, and genetic mutations-were widely feared during the Cold War, especially by citizens of the United States and Soviet Union, which the report called "prisoners of their own arms race. [...] in the 20 years since the report's publication, the specter of nuclear destruction has not yet been "removed from the face of the Earth,"3 as the report called for, but has merely changed scale: the threat of the mushroom cloud has been replaced by the threat of the the dirty bomb-a crude device that a terrorist cell could fashion out of pilfered nuclear material.

Davis, D.. "The Cold War after Stalin's Death: A Missed Opportunity for Peace?" Review. The Journal of American History 94, no. 3 (December 1, 2007): 987-988.

The essays in this work provide fresh evidence and evaluations contending that both Moscow and Washington missed a slim chance to end the Cold War after Joseph Stalin's death and then wasted enormous resources for three and a half decades. In them, he evaluated Malenkov's new line by proposing that the Soviet Union prove its intentions with deeds, not just words: for example, ending the Korean War; concluding an Austrian State Treaty; and releasing German prisoners of war.

Dekar, P.. "Cold War Letters." Review. Cross Currents 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 92-94.

Crucially, Merton reminds us that when atomic bombs fell on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the problem of seeking and keeping world peace ceased to be a social concern among many; it became the dominant problem not simply for Merton (who penned some of these letters amidst the Cuban missile crisis) and his generation, but also for ours. Along with the suppressed book and anthologies of Merton's social essays,3 it is a great benefit to have the letters in a single volume, with an appendix providing biographical information about the original recipients of the Cold War Letters.

Fein, L.. "Peace Now? If Not Now, Then When?" Jewish Exponent, September 27, 2007.

Yitzhak Rabin knew well the world of occasional opportunity. When the Cold War ended, he began to speak of a "window of opportunity" that had suddenly opened for Israel and its neighbors. No longer would Israelis and their Arab neighbors be used as pawns or as surrogates in the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. There was urgency to his understanding because he believed that before long, elements of the Arab world would develop the competence to threaten Israel as it had never been threatened. Iran, then still a slumbering giant, was of explicit and particular concern to him.

Filteau, J.. "U.S. bishops strangely absent from current nuclear debate." National Catholic Reporter, April 3, 2009, 7.

[...] a quarter-century later, the U.S. Catholic bishops, with a few notable exceptions (see accompanying story), are strangely absent from a new public debate over nuclear disarmament - even as leading U.S. policy figures and military analysts from the Cold War have begun to frame the question in ways that the 1983 class of bishops would have welcomed. While the bishops' International Policy Committee has intervened with Congress and the executive branch on some specific issues in recent years -such as successfully opposing research for the development of a new generation of nuclear weapons and appropriations for relatively small Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator weapons -the bishops as a body have not addressed the nuclear deterrence issue substantively since their 1993 follow-up statement, "The Harvest of Peace Is Sown in Justice."

Fox, T.. "A world without nukes." National Catholic Reporter, August 7, 2009, 1A,2A,3A.

For Obama, the goal of a world without nuclear weapons is not just one among many It is, he says, "the core challenge of the 21st century" Can the United States, which is the only nation that has ever used an atomic weapon on another nation, lead a campaign to halt the spread of these weapons of mass destruction when it shares with Russia by far the largest arsenals of nuclear weapons on the planet? The current START treaty is set to expire Dec. 5. * Seeking a new global treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials (weapons-grade uranium and plutonium) intended for use in state nuclear weapons.

Gates, R.. "Beyond Guns and Steel: Reviving the Nonmilitary Instruments of American Power." Military Review, January 1, 2008, 2-9.

In important respects, the great struggles of the 20th century-World War I and World War II and the Cold War-covered over conflicts that had boiled and seethed and provoked wars and instability for centuries before 1914: ethnic strife, religious wars, independence movements, and, especially in the last quarter of the 19th century, terrorism. Unfortunately, the dangers and challenges of old have been joined by new forces of instability and conflict, among them * A new and more malignant form of global terrorism rooted in extremist and violent jihadism; * New manifestations of ethnic, tribal, and sectarian conflict all over the world; * The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; * Failed and failing states; * States enriched with oil profits and discontented with the current international order; and * Centrifugal forces in other countries that threaten national unity, stability, and internal peace-but also with implications for regional and global security.\n" In an address at Harvard in 1943, Winston Churchill said, "The price of greatness is responsibility ...

Gingrich, N.. "WHAT COULD HAVE BEEN." USA Today, November 1, 2008, 55-60.

The Islamists have: a potential access to weapons of mass destruction that could devastate Western life; religious appeal that provides deeper resonance and greater staying power than the artificial ideologies of fascism or communism; impressively conceptualized, funded, and organized institutional machinery that builds credibility, goodwill, and electoral success; an ideology capable of appealing to Muslims of every size and shape, from Lumpenproletariat to privileged, from illiterates to Ph.D.s, from the well-adjusted to psychopaths, from Yemenis to Canadians; and a huge number of committed cadres. Too dependent on foreign oil Given the centrality of oil money to Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, and Russia in 2001, and the degree to which the U.S. had been financing its own enemies, in November 2001, Pres. Bush called for a massive, market-oriented incentive program to develop alternatives to foreign oil-including nuclear power, biofuels, conservation through radical innovations in engines to vehicle weight ratios, new exploration for oil and natural gas, a crash program for clean coal, and an initiative to move to a hydrogen economy as rapidly as possible.

Harper, J.. "Technology, Politics, and the New Space Race: The Legality and Desirability of Bush's National Space Policy under the Public and Customary International Laws of Space." Chicago Journal of International Law 8, no. 2 (January 1, 2008): 681-699.

[...] customary international law of space also suggests that the NSP06 is legal. section II grounds the NSP06 in the historical context of space competition from the Cold War to the War on Terror, as well as in general national security policy since the September llth attacks.

Johnston, T.. "Peace or Pacifism? The Soviet 'Struggle For Peace in All the World', 1948-54." The Slavonic and East European Review 86, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 259.

This article examines the Soviet 'Struggle for Peace in All the World' between 1948 and 1954. The 'Struggle for Peace' was a vital arena in the early Cold War within which a new image of the Soviet relationship with the outside world was forged. 'Peace' emerged in this context as a shorthand for the USSR's muscular and moral patronage of the oppressed peoples of the world. Soviet citizens responded to the 'Struggle for Peace' with great enthusiasm. This enthusiasm has been cited as evidence that the Soviet population were naively duped into accepting a harsh post-war settlement in return for peace. In reality, Soviet citizens were not so passive in their engagement with the late-Stalinist state. Drawing on Kotkin's description of the 'little tactics of the habitat' this article suggests that some participants in the Peace Campaigns creatively reappropriated them as a platform for the articulation of their personal grief from the past war and their pacifist sentiments. It also offers some provisional suggestions about how the 'tactics' employed by Soviet citizens in relation to the government changed after 1945. The Soviet government could mobilize its population to 'Struggle for Peace', but it could not guarantee that they shared its understanding of what 'peace' meant.

Joya, A.. "I IS FOR INFIDEL..., J IS FOR JIHAD, K IS FOR KALASHNIKOV: FROM HOLY WAR TO HOLY TERROR IN AFGHANISTAN." Review. Canadian Foreign Policy 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 133-135.

Gannon believes that without understanding the complex history of the Cold War, the nature of the social forces that shape the Middle East region, and the interests that contend the state in Afghanistan, it is impossible to understand the rise of the neo-Taliban and especially the suicide bombers and the challenges in the way of building peace and stability in Afghanistan. Besides providing a valuable historical analysis of the rise of the neo-Taliban and why Afghanistan is still a mess, Gannon is clearly one of the very few brave and admirable female Canadians who has undertaken some of the most dangerous investigative journalism, interviewing notorious Afghan warlords and leaders in search of truth.

Kengor, P.. "The "March of Freedom" From Reagan to Bush." Policy Review no. 146 (December 1, 2007): 77-86.

By the end of that year, Solidarity candidates had swept 99 of 100 seats in a free and fair election in communist Poland, the Berlin Wall had crashed in a soon-to-be-reunified Germany, Vaclav Havel had left prison for the presidency of Czechoslovakia, and the continent's worst living dictator, Romania's Nicolai Ceausescu, had been lined up against a wall by the masses and shot on Christmas Day - a day he had sought to ban.

Langille, D.. "THE LONG MARCH OF THE CANADIAN PEACE MOVEMENT." Canadian Dimension, May 1, 2008, 27-32,4.

The early peace movement depended upon leadership from the Canadian churches, from women's groups like the Voice of Women and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, as well as from communists and socialists active in unions and the Canadian Peace Congress.

MORO, R.. "The Catholic Church, Italian Catholics and Peace Movements: The Cold War Years, 1947-1962." Contemporary European History 17, no. 3 (August 1, 2008): 365-390.

This article focuses on the early years of the cold war in Italy in the form of an analysis of the Catholic press from 1947 to the eve of the Second Vatican Council in 1962. In so doing it attempts to answer key questions for Italian Catholicism relating to peace building that arose from total war in the age of mass democracy.

L'église catholique, le catholicisme italien et le mouvement pour la paix: la guerre froide, 1947-1962

En focalisant sur le début de la guerre froide en Italie, cet article (basé sur l'analyse de la presse catholique en Italie depuis 1947 jusqu'au Deuxième concile cuménique du Vatican) cherche à répondre aux questions centrales suivantes: comment réagissaient l'Eglise catholique et les catholiques italiens face à guerre totale et democratie de masse? Avaient-ils une vision de la paix et de l'ordre international qui pouvait se maintenir face aux idéologies dominantes du vingtième siècle?

Die katholische Kirche, italienischer Katholizismus und Friedensbewegungen: der Kalte Krieg, 1947-1962

Indem sich dieser Aufsatz auf die eng umrissene Phase des frühen Kalten Krieges konzentriert, möchte er einen Beitrag zu der Frage leisten, wie sich das katholische Milieu in Italien an die Verhältnisse der Massengesellschaft im Kontext der Debatten über Frieden und kommunistische Friedensbewegung anpaßte. Er basiert auf der Analyse der katholischen Presse in Italien zwischen 1947 bis zum Vorabend des Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzils.

Perkovich, G.. "Keeping up with the nuclear neighbours." Review. Nature 458, no. 7238 (April 2, 2009): 574-575.

Notwithstanding a series of treaties meant to manage their nuclear competition and help shape a global nuclear order - from the Partial Test Ban Treaty in 1963 through to the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty II 30 years later - Washington DC and Moscow ordered the construction of thousands more nuclear weapons and kept them ready for use, even when no crisis was at hand. Framing such dialogue with an explicit objective of creating conditions for incremental, verifiable steps towards nuclear disarmament would add an important Asian dimension to the global effort to live up to the promise made in the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, the future of which has come into question.

Sikes, T.. "The Meaning of Military Victory." Review. RUSI Journal, October 1, 2007, 86-87.

The Meaning of Military Victory identifies six elements of strategic victory: information control, military deterrence, political self-determination, economic reconstruction, social justice, and diplomatic respect.

Stanley, W.. "STRUGGLES FOR DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA." Review. Journal of Third World Studies 24, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 241-245.

Ladutke then turns to a review of several issues, including accountability for wartime human rights violations, reforms to the police, the apparent resurgence of death squad killings in the first year of peace, prosecution of the alleged perpetrators in a notorious police murder, and the emergence of apparent "social cleansing" death squads involving the police. Several facts support this view: most of the Salvadoran peace accords were implemented (in contrast to the comparative sham in neighboring Guatemala); there has been no resumption of combat (in contrast to less-successful UN peacekeeping ventures worldwide); and El Salvador's democratic system encompasses a broader spectrum of political opinion than many advanced industrial democracies.

Thatcher, J.. "Korean Leaders Call for Peace Treaty." Moscow News (in English), October 5, 2007,

Leaders of the two Koreas agreed on Thursday to try to bring peace to the Cold War's last frontier, just a day after the North signed up to an international deal to disable its nuclear facilities. But some analysts said the pledges at only the second summit between North and South Korea were limited, with the hermit North clearly reluctant to break much new ground. North and South Korea shared the view they must end the current armistice and build a permanent peace regime, President Roh Moo-hyun and North Korean leader Kim Jong-il said in a joint statement at the end of their three-day meeting in Pyongyang. They will push for talks next month with China and the United States to formally end the 1950-53 Korean War, for which a peace treaty has yet to be signed.

Trenin, D.. "NATO and Russia: Partnership or Peril?" Current History 108, no. 720 (October 1, 2009): 299-303.

By permanently involving the United States and Canada with Western Europe, it created a security community spanning the North Atlantic: the modern world's first zone of stable peace. Since the end of the Western-Soviet confrontation, NATO has not withered away - it has evolved, alongside the European Union, into a premier pillar of European security. Even if one of these highly unlikely conditions were met, Russia's hypothetical accession would needlessly exacerbate Russia's own, and the West's, relations with China, much to the detriment of global stability and security. [...] since no shortcut is possible, the West and Russia need to embark on a long, tortuous, and potentially rocky path toward creating a security community in Europe that would include both NATO members and nonmembers.

Wallace, M., C. Borch, and G. Gauchat. "MILITARY KEYNESIANISM IN THE POST-VIETNAM WAR ERA: A VIEW FROM THE AMERICAN STATES." Journal of Political and Military Sociology 36, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 215-0_6.

A prominent explanation for U.S. military spending in the three decades following World War II suggests that state managers used military spending as a countercyclical fiscal policy to stabilize the economy. This military Keynesian argument contends that military spending fluctuates in response to a confluence of interests among capitalist firms in the monopoly sector, organized labor, and politicians who seek to ensure their incumbency in office. With the end of the Cold War and the rise of a "new military" era, with its focus on technologically advanced weapons and a small standing army, military Keynesian arguments have fallen out of favor. On the other hand, the enormity of the military budget and the fact that the livelihoods of millions of citizens are still tied to the military sector renews questions about the role of military spending in shaping economic policy. In this article, we revisit the thesis of military Keynesianism during the post-Vietnam era (1977-2004) using state-level data for 49 U.S. states. Our analysis provides new evidence that military Keynesianism is still relevant in this largely peacetime economy. Several implications of these findings are also discussed.

Wilson, J.. "How Grand was Reagans Strategy, 1976-1984?" Diplomacy & Statecraft 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 773.

This article disputes the assertions of the new Reagan literature. Drawing upon radio broadcasts, speeches, correspondences, and documents from his presidential library, as well as recently published diaries from his White House years, it argues that Ronald Reagan had no grand strategy in the years 1976-1984. Indeed, throughout this period, he possessed two less-than-grand strategies I label "peace through strength" and "a crusade for freedom." Each of these contained its own respective set of goals and employed its own corresponding set of tactics. Yet there was no grand strategy for ending the Cold War.

Yilmaz, M.. "INTRA-STATE CONFLICTS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA." International Journal on World Peace 24, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 11-33.

This article provides an analytical discussion of the dynamics of intra-state conflicts that seem to have replaced the ideological clashes of the Cold War as the principal sources of current conflicts. By looking through major ethnopolitical conflicts around the globe and trying to find out some main points in common, the study reaches the conclusion that such conflicts are correlated with, but not limited to, the desire to express cultural identity, discrimination, anti-democratic political system, economic underdevelopment and unjust distribution of national wealth, unresolved past traumas, as well as external support. The study also reveals that ethnopolitical conflicts cannot be resolved through force only. In the resolution process, multi-level efforts are needed by domestic and international actors to be responsive to the underlying causes of intra-state conflicts.

Week of October 16-October 22, 2009 (Focus on Peace Education):

Erten Gokce. "PEACE EDUCATION: VIEWPOINTS OF PRIMARY SCHOOL STUDENTS ABOUT PEACE." International Journal of Humanities and Peace 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 30-36.

Peace, family, school, media, environment Rapid process of change, which is the result of social dynamism and environmental factors, leads communities to pay considerable attention to the provision of more qualified man power and education of better quality. Contemporary approaches to peace education incorporate a wide range of responses to a variety of forms of violence, including coping and sharing skills among peers, the need for recognition of the ëotheri and the development of care. In this sense, necessity of encouraging people to preserve peace to abolish violence is significant, so the principle of UNICEF for maintenance of peace can be considered to be straightforward: Disputes may be inevitable, but violence is not.\n By means of continuous, effective studies and cooperation, understanding of peace culture from the beginning of the education given at primary school will spread increasingly to all societies.

Gavriel Salomon. "Does Peace Education Really Make a Difference?" Peace & Conflict 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 37-48.

An inconsistency is pointed out between formidable and thus discouraging hurdles facing peace education in the context of intractable conflicts and actual, encouraging research findings of such programs. It is suggested that the hurdles pertain to the most deep-seated and thus unchangeable convictions constituting the backbone of a group's collective narrative. On the other hand, the change-objects affected by peace education programs pertain to more peripheral attitudes and beliefs, which are more easily changeable, more weakly associated with behaviors, and thus less consequential. This hypothetical possibility is briefly examined from both a theoretical and practical perspective, leading to three clusters of research questions: (a) Is the proposed distinction between central and peripheral attitudes and beliefs applicable to peace education programs?, (b) How stable are changes of peripheral attitudes in the absence of changes of the more central ones?, and (c) To what extent can only long-term, socialization-like programs affect core beliefs and attitudes?

Jeremy Cohen. "Peace." Journalism & Mass Communication Educator 61, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 3-6.

Cohen mentions that democracy and educational successes are inseparably coupled. He notes that democracy and education are stressed today by a confluence of powerful forces. Some are deeply rooted in political self-interest and the amassment of personal wealth, some in cultural, nationalistic or religious proselytizing that defy the constitutional foundations of the American democratic experiment and that devalue the appreciation for, and the practice of, the tenets of education, political accountability, and individual rights.

John S Hill. "The Moral Disarmament of France: Education, Pacifism, and Patriotism, 1914-1940." . Canadian Journal of History 42, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 124-127.

Flanked by a substantial introduction and a brief summary conclusion, Siegel's chapters consider the highly nationalistic primary education provided during the First World War, trace the schools' contribution to shaping a collective memory after the war, delineate the reactive forging of a new ideological consensus - rooted in socialist internationalism and feminist pacifism - during the twenties, turn a critical eye on the pacifist scholastic narratives of the Great War, untangle the strands of patriotic education between the wars, and limn the teachers' confrontation with fascism and international conflict from 1933 to 1940. In pursuit of her quarry, Siegel has read through more than a hundred textbooks of the time for an understanding of their message to students, examined the professional journals and newsletters in which teachers discussed their calling, and, for three departments (Somme, Seine, Dordogne), searched the archival holdings of teachers' lessons and students' essays for insight into the actual classroom experience.

Kathleen Weiler. "The Education of Jane Addams/Diva Julia: The Public Romance and Private Agony of Julia Ward Howe/Alice Hamilton: A Life in Letters." . NWSA Journal 18, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 230-234.

Weiler reviews The Education of Jane Addams by Victoria Bissell Brown, Diva Julia: The Public Romance and Private Agony of Julia Ward Howe by Valarie Ziegler, and Alice Hamilton: A Life in Letters by Barbara Sicherman.

Roger Soder. "Books for Summer Reading." . Phi Delta Kappan 88, no. 10 (June 1, 2007): 787-791.

In this volume is ample proof that nonviolent civil disobedience, led by King and his associates, dramatically transformed American democracy by winning the right to vote lor Alrican American citizens. Branch recounts each step toward that hard-earned prize, traversing rivers of facts after beginning with a statement about the importance ol voting: Nonviolence is an orphan among democratic ideas . . . the most basic element of free government - the vote has no other meaning. . . . the whole architecture of representative government springs from the handiwork of nonviolence.

Veronica Gaylie. "RAISING AWARENESS OF SOCIAL JUSTICE AND WAR THROUGH FILM AND POETRY." Radical Teacher no. 79 (October 1, 2007): 39-40.

The Voices in Wartime Education project is a non-profit organization dedicated to exploring conflict through education and the arts. The 74-minute documentary Voices in Wartime juxtaposes images of war with the words of soldiers, poets, and others who experience armed conflict first hand. I ordered the DVD and decided to show the film to my student teachers at UBC Okanagan, a campus located in the predominantly suburban city of Kelowna, British Columbia, Canada.

Wairagala Wakabi. "Peace has come to southern Sudan, but challenges remain." The Lancet 368, no. 9538 (September 2, 2006): 829-30.

WHO says neglected tropical diseases like leprosy, elephantiasis, river blindness, sleeping sickness, guinea worms, and Buruli ulcers are resurfacing in southern Sudan, while cholera epidemics continue to claim hundreds of lives. A massive UN-backed campaign to stop deadly outbreaks of measles in southern Sudan saw over 1 million children immunised between last November and June in a region where less than 20% of children younger than 5 years were vaccinated during the two decades of civil war.

Yaacov Boaz Yablon. "Contact Intervention Programs for Peace Education and the Reality of Dynamic Conflicts." Teachers College Record 109, no. 4 (April 1, 2007): 991-1012.

Background: Great efforts are made to develop and implement contact activities for groups in conflict, yet studies of effects of planned contact interventions yielded mixed results. Previous attempts to explain why contact interventions do not fulfill their promise focused on the contact itself. However, the main focus of the present study was the underlying prevention strategy and the implementation of contact interventions. This was done in the context of planned face-to-face encounters between Jewish and Arab high school students in Israel. Purpose of Study: The aim of this study was to examine whether there is a unique embodiment of a social conflict in different subgroups of one prototypical social group. It has been suggested that one of the reasons for the failure of contact intervention programs is that they are usually based on a primary prevention strategy, which does not consider intragroup differences or developments over time. Population: The research sample consisted of 255 Israeli Jewish and Israeli Arab students who intended to participate in a peace education encounter program. Participants in the study were 17-year-old 11th-grade students from 12 classes--6 in Jewish high schools and 6 in Arab high schools. Research Design: Quantitative analysis was used to measure differences within and between groups at the onset of a contact intervention program. Data were collected at three waves (three different points in time). Each wave was held for a few days, usually within a week, before the onset of the planned encounters. In each wave, two schools, one Jewish and one Arab, were sampled. The waves were 2 months apart, so that all questionnaires were collected within a 6-month period. Findings: Results revealed significant differences within the subgroups in the perceptional and affective domains but not in variables indicating behavioral aspects of social relationships. Additional findings regarding differences between groups (majority and minority) suggested that the majority group was less negative toward the minority group than the minority group was toward the majority. Conclusions: Results suggest that although mutual relationships between groups are negatively based, they are neither stable nor monolithic. Within a social group, different subgroups hold and present different attitudes, perceptions, and feelings toward their counterparts. Therefore, peace education programs, and especially face-to-face contact intervention, should be based on secondary intervention strategies and not, as is often the case, on primary prevention strategies.

"DOD Combatant Command for Africa Created." Foreign Policy Bulletin 17, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 132-134.

The Somali people and the international community have an historic opportunity to begin to move beyond two-decades of warlordism, extreme violence, and human suffering. As part of America's effort to help parties resolve the ongoing political and humanitarian crises in Somalia, it has dispatched Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer to the Horn of Africa region to meet with regional partners and Somali representatives to urge inclusive political dialogue, reconciliation to build a legitimate, functioning government that will serve all Somalis, and to move forward with the urgent deployment of a regional stabilization force (IGA-SOM). They will continue to work in the context of the Somalia Contact Group to mobilize the support of the international community in support of the Somali people.
"Is Israeli-Palestinian Peace Possible?" Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 13, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 112.
The featured guest speaker was Prof. Johan Galtung of Transcend, a Peace Development Network; founder of the Peace Research Institute, Oslo; and recipient of the 1987 Right Livelihood Award.

Anonymous, . "JOINT STATEMENT - UNITED STATES-PAKISTAN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP." Pakistan Journal of American Studies 24, no. 1/2 (April 1, 2006): 143-148.

Peace and Security * Build a robust defense relationship that advances sharedsecurity goals, promotes regional stability, and contributes to international security. * Continue robust U.S. security assistance to meet Pakistan's legitimate defense needs and bolster its capabilities in the war on terror. * Deepen bilateral collaboration in the fields of defense training, joint exercises, defense procurement, technology transfers, and international peacekeeping. * Decide to increase the frequency of defense policy discussions to strengthen collaboration in the identified sectors. * Work together to ensure the maintenance of peace, security, and stability in the South Asia region and beyond. * Cooperate closely in international institutions, including bodies of the United Nations, on matters of mutual concern. Social Sector Development * Continue U.S. support in the health sector through collaborative projects and programs. * Reinforce Pakistan's efforts to reform and expand access to its public education through continuing U.S. cooperation. * Encourage educational programs and greater interaction and linkages between the research and academic institutions of the two countries. * Promote exchange of students and scholars, fellowship programs, and strengthened research collaboration, including through institutional support for higher education and training. * Establish a wide-ranging High Level Dialogue on Education to enhance and strengthen cooperation in the education sector.

Anonymous, . "Voices for Peace: Educators Respond to the Virginia Tech Shootings." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 344-345.
Jing Lin draws our attention to the vicious cycle of hatred and aggression often perpetrated by adults and urges educators to break this cycle by moving away from a focus on consumerism and competition and toward a focus on love and wisdom, encouraging students to learn to see each other as connected by their common humanity. It will take time for our nation to fully respond to and understand the Virginia Tech incident and similar acts of violence, but we offer these essays to spark and continue conversations about how to create a culture of peace in educational settings.

Ashton, C.. "Using theory of change to enhance peace education evaluation." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 25, no. 1 (October 1, 2007): 39-53.
This article brings together concepts and practices from the fields of peace education, conflict resolution, and evaluation. It examines the implementation and evaluations of selected peace education programs conducted by UNICEF to determine if theories of change can be identified and to consider how theories of change may inform the design and evaluation of future peace education programs.

BAIESI, N., M. GIGLI, E. MONICELLI, and R. PELLIZZOLI. "Places of Memory as a Tool for Education: The Peace in Four Voices Summer Camps at Monte Sole." The Public Historian 30, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 27-37.
This essay explores how a place of memory can be used as a crucial tool in peace education activities with students from elementary to high school. It draws on the work of the Peace School of Monte Sole and specifically focuses on the Peace in Four Voices summer camp, which brings together youth from conflict regions to foster a culture of peace. The camp is a major activity in the Peace School project, since it is from this ten-year-long experience that the idea of a Peace School was conceived of and developed.

Beal, F., and L. Ross. "Excerpts from the Voices of Feminism Oral History Project: Interview with Frances Beal." Meridians 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2008): 126-165.

In this oral history, Frances M. Beal describes her unique childhood as the daughter of parents of refugee Jewish, African American, and Native American descent. The interview focuses on her activism in the United States and in France, including founding the Women's Committee of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee). Beal's story captures the challenges of anti-racist, anti-fascist, and anti-imperialist organizing with a gender perspective.

Conway, J., G. Roughead, and T. Allen. "A COOPERATIVE STRATEGY FOR 21ST CENTURY SEAPOWER." Naval War College Review 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 6-19.

Guided by the objectives articulated in the National Security Strategy, National Defense Strategy, National Military Strategy and the National Strategy for Maritime Security, the United States Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard will act across the full range of military operations to secure the United States from direct attack; secure strategic access and retain global freedom of action; strengthen existing and emerging alliances and partnerships and establish favorable security conditions. Such operations require a broadly shared responsibility among: the on-scene commander responsible for ensuring actions are in accordance with the commander's intent; the higher commander responsible for providing intent and guidance to subordinates; the parent service of dispersed forces responsible for ensuring that units are trained, equipped, and culturally prepared for the missions they will undertake; and, finally, the regional commanders responsible for determining appropriate force levels and readiness postures.

Edyth Wheeler, and Aline Stomfay-Stitz. "Voices From the Field: Teachers Talk About Strategies for Peace and Conflict Resolution." Childhood Education 82, no. 3 (April 1, 2006): 162F,162M.

In a focus group with teachers in early childhood programs and elementary schools, we listened to the teachers' concerns and their descriptions of what they are doing for peacemaking and conflict resolution. E-mail and class Web pages (for the families with online access), frequent newsletters, and informal notes home in accessible home language can supplement the back-to-school nights and parent meetings. Routine times during the day can be opportunities for children to "share personal thoughts or stories and may generate ideas [about] a particular question such as, 'Our class puppet, Mombo, is having a hard time making new friends; does anyone have an idea about what he could do to make new friends?' Valuable class discussions and opportunities for character building take place at times like these."

Haavelsrud, M.. "Education, political socialization and extremism :[1]." . British Journal of Sociology of Education 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 113.

Haavelsrud reviews Educating again extremism by Lynn Davies and Making enemies: humiliation and international conflict by Evelin Lindner.

Hanley, D.. "The Shami Family: Turning Troubles into Triumphs." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 27, no. 4 (May 1, 2008): 37-38.

Dr. Jamil Shami, who has earned degrees in journalism and psychology, as well as a Ph.D. in higher education administration and a post-doctorate master's degree in public health administration, is an educator and journalist, an expert in peace and conflict resolution, and founder of Arab-American Republicans of the Washington, DC Area. Believing that education was the best weapon his people could use to continue their resistance, Mohammed started an adult literacy program for men and women in the West Bank. Farouk's multimillion-dollar beauty industries now include environmentally friendly natural dyes, the "Bio Silk" range of hair products, CHI nail lacquer and ceramic-plated hair dryers, as well as curling irons and other hair care products.

Innocenti, R.. "The War Inside Books." Bookbird 47, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 27-31.

[...] it is extremely home to me that now an Italian publisher who wants to publish my work has to import it from abroad, instead of the other way round, as would be normal. [...] I cannot understand the reason why the Ministry of Education of the Italian Republic has decided to cancel the teaching of Modern and Contemporary History in elementary schools.

Jones, A.. "Curriculum and Civil Society in Afghanistan." Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 113-122,167-168.

Although research has traditionally discussed the ways in which societies in conflict develop educational practices, only recently have scholars begun to examine the role of education in creating or sustaining conflict. In Afghanistan, changing regimes have had an impact on state-sanctioned curricula over the past fifty years, drastically altering the purpose and ideology of education. In this article, Adele Jones traces the changing nature of Afghan curricula since the 1960s, highlighting the conflict surrounding curricula during the Soviet regime. She posits that resistance to state-sanctioned curricula was seen as resistance to the state regime, often putting schools at the center of conflict. This continues today, as Taliban groups resist the Western-influenced curricula of modern Afghanistan. Jones argues that understanding this cycle of resistance is critical for Western agencies aiming to support educational efforts in the country.

Kopeliovich, S., and J. Kuriansky. "Journeys for Peace: A model of human rights education for young people in Mexico." Counselling Psychology Quarterly 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 69.

This paper describes the "Journeys for Peace" program a Mexico-based NGO that facilitates young people to get involved, and take a leadership role, in the agenda of world peace. Volunteers engage in activities that help them understand the importance of spreading messages of peace, and that support them to implement educational and artistic workshops and projects that benefit their school, local community and public in other parts of the world. Projects based on creative and expressive arts include painting, photography, music, theatre and publishing, and address topics of human rights, tolerance and non-violence. Signature activities include mini-parliaments debating issues like diversity, media responsibility and children's rights, and the "Condition for Peace" activity whereby participants pose a question about peace to special guests, including world leaders. The program has received extensive media coverage and recognition by universities and organizations worldwide, including the Clinton Global Initiative, and has collaborated with other peace initiatives.

Lin, J.. "Love, Peace, and Wisdom in Education: Transforming Education for Peace." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 362-365,392.

A paradigm shift toward education for love, peace, and wisdom is called for in which teachers and administrators discuss what matters the most in our lives; and teachers and students look at what causes human suffering and what brings genuine happiness to our lives.\n Using examples in daily life, employing simulation, brainstorming and role-plays, students acquire the skills to seek alternatives to violence. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, United Nations peacekeeping efforts, and work by NGOs and countless individuals to prevent and divert wars and bring peace to regions and countries should be incorporated into the content of daily learning in schools.

Linda Hogan, and John D'Arcy May. "SOCIAL ETHICS IN WESTERN EUROPE." Theological Studies 68, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 154-171.

The article highlights the distinctiveness of European social ethics by beginning with an analysis of how theological ethicists have engaged with "Europe" as both idea and political project. Themes discussed include the role of religion in the public square, pluralism, and the limits of tolerance and intercultural ethics. Also considered are ethical questions arising from Europe's power as a significant economic bloc, as well as ethical responses to war and other forms of political violence. The article concludes with a comment on method.

Mikayelyan, A., and G. Markosyan. "Peace and conflict resolution education in Armenia: The work of women for development." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 25, no. 1 (October 1, 2007): 101.

This article reports the goal, main strategy, realized activities, and implementation of Peace and Conflict Resolution Education in Schools of Gyumri, Armenia, a project from Women for Development, a nongovernmental organization. It summarizes the outcomes, effectiveness, and efficiency level of a peace education and conflict resolution education project in Armenia.

Stomfay-Stitz, A., and E. Wheeler. "Caring for Each Other in a Peace Club." Childhood Education 84, no. 1 (October 1, 2007): 30H,30I,30K.

A Decade of Peace: 2001-2010 Under the broad umbrella of the United Nations, an International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence for the Children of the World was launched to include 200 countries around the world (UNESCO, 2000). Children in cooperative learning groups can create colorful posters that should be displayed throughout the school, sharing news of their class's Peace Club. Hopefully, these shared experiences may plant the seeds of acceptance for alternative ways to soothe hurt feelings and stop insults, put-downs, ridicule, and other degrees of cruelty that have become too commonplace and acceptable among today's children.

Ulrike Niens, Jacqueline Reilly, and Roisin McLaughlin. "The Need for Human Rights Education in Northern Ireland: A Pupil Survey." Peace & Conflict 12, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 251-268.

Internationally, human rights education is seen as 1 way of promoting active citizenship and, ultimately, social justice and peace. For the past 30 years, Northern Ireland has been characterized by political conflict and community divisions. With the continuation of the peace process, human rights have been identified as an essential component of the efforts to improve community relations and to achieve a lasting peace. As part of its responsibilities, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission is required to promote awareness and understanding of human rights through educational activities and the Bill of Rights in Schools Project. Results of a baseline survey of 580 pupils indicate that despite moderate levels of interest in human rights and confidence in engaging with human rights, knowledge of human rights is extremely low in Northern Ireland postprimary schoolchildren. These findings are discussed in relation to the clear need for specific human rights education in divided societies.
Yifat Biton, and Gavriel Salomon. "Peace in the Eyes of Israeli and Palestinian Youths: Effects of Collective Narratives and Peace Education Program." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 2 (March 1, 2006): 167-180.

The authors studied the extent to which the collective narrative of a group in conflict and participation in a peace education program affects youngsters' perceptions of peace. Participants in the study were 565 Jewish Israeli and Palestinian adolescents, about half of whom participated in a year-long schoolbased program; the other half served as a control group. Pre- and post-program questionnaires measured youngsters' free associations to the concept of peace, their explanations of it, and its perceived utility, and suggested strategies to attain it. Initially, Israeli students stressed the negative aspects of peace (absence of violence) and Palestinians stressed its structural aspects (independence, equality). Unlike the controls, both Israeli and Palestinian program participants came to stress more the positive aspects of peace (cooperation, harmony) following participation in the program. Also, whereas the controls came to increasingly suggest war as a means to attain peace, possibly as a function of the ongoing mutual hostilities (intifada), no such change took place among program participants. Palestinian controls also manifested greater hatred towards Jews, but no change took place among program participants. That is, peace education can serve as a barrier against the deterioration of perceptions and feelings. It became evident that individuals’ perceptions of peace are differentially colored by their group's collective narratives and more immediate experiences of current events, but are significantly altered by participation in a peace education program.

Week of October 8-October 15, 2009 (Focus on Nobel Peace Prize and President Obama):

Eric Zorn. "Nobel dust-up not aimed at making peace." Chicago Tribune, October 13, 2009,

[...] a panel of five Norwegians decided Obama's rhetoric on international relations was a prize-worthy contribution to a more peaceful world.

Frank Munger. "OPINION: Munger: Once again, ORNL gets a piece of a Nobel Prize." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 14 October 2009.

Here's the history there: n Eugene Wigner, former ORNL research director (1946-47), won the 1963 Nobel Prize in Physics. n Cliff Shull, who did some of his pioneering work in neutron-scattering at ORNL in the late 1940s and early 1950s, shared the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1994 for the development of the neutron diffraction technique. n Several ORNL scientists were among the many researchers who contributed to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which shared the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize with former U.S. Vice President Al Gore.

Clive Cookson. "Female laureates 'fabulous role models' but women still trail men." Financial Times, October 13, 2009,

This year's boost takes the total number of women who have won any of the six Nobel prizes to 40 - compared with 762 male winners. Although Marie Curie won the physics and chemistry prizes - in 1903 and 1911 respectively - the Nobels remained virtually a male preserve until after the second world war.

Nobel prizes - with occasional exceptions such as Barack Obama's peace prize - are a lagging indicator of achievement: the three physics laureates this year were honoured for discoveries in the 1960s. So there is expectation that women will make up a rising proportion of future laureates.

Girard J Fortin. "OBAMA AND THE PEACE PRIZE." Boston Globe, October 14, 2009,

The Nobel Peace Prize handed to our president brought back memories of my son's 0-11 baseball season and the shiny trophy that once stood on a shelf in his room.

Ken Buday. "OPINION: Decision on Nobel Peace Prize bombs." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 14 October 2009.

NASA said the idea behind the bombing -- sorry, Lunar Impact Mission -- was to create a debris cloud that could then be tested to determine if signs of water were present. Michael Vick? (OK, I know it's been a couple of years and Vick has paid his price and is out of jail, but he's still good for a cheap joke every now and then.) I think we've progressed from awarding peace prizes to people who actually do something to create peace and harmony in the world to awarding the prize to anyone who manages not to kick his cat in a year.

Lou Parris. "'One America'." Spartanburg Herald - Journal, October 15, 2009,

Might as well give the Heisman to the president. [...] more of the same Breaking News from Rutherfordton, N.C., resident Ken Staggs: The Norwegians nailed it when they placed Obama in the same company with Al Gore. Since Gore had to share his gift with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, it is only fitting that President Obama share his with the teleprompters.

REG HENRY. "OBAMA'S PEACE PRIZE NOT WORTH SUCH A FIGHT." Pittsburgh Post - Gazette, October 14, 2009,

[...] one of my favorite stories, perhaps apocryphal, concerns a pacifist who, while promoting the cause of peace at Speakers Corner in London's Hyde Park, stepped down from the podium to punch a particularly irritating heckler in the nose.

Rami G. Khouri. "OPINION: A prize for America's peace with itself." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 14 October 2009.

The Norman Rockwell Museum is a trip back into another time and mindset, the America of the 1920s to 1960s, when mostly white people lived in safe suburbs in secure, loving homes and went to war only occasionally and reluctantly, to save the world from tyranny.

"Amnesty International; Amnesty International Terrorism Expert to Attend Khadr Hearings at GITMO." Defense & Aerospace Week, October 21, 2009, 170.

Amnesty International is a Nobel Peace Prize-winning grassroots activist organization with more than 2.2 million supporters, activists and volunteers in more than 150 countries campaigning for human rights worldwide.

"Does Obama deserve peace prize?" Detroit News, October 13, 2009,
Awarding Obama this coveted prize is akin to designating the Pittsburgh Steelers the Super Bowl champions on the first game of the 2009-10 National Football League season.

"Nobel invests hope in leadership." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 14 October2009 ***[insert pages]***

The committee's decision to bestow the Peace Prize on Mr. Obama indicates its hope and expectation that doing so will provide impetus to his and the international community's efforts to resolve those issues, especially nuclear disarmament and the fight against global warming.

"Obama a curious Peace Prize pick." McClatchy - Tribune Business News 14 October 2009.

The Nobel committee cited several aspects of Obama's advocacy, attaching, for example, "special importance to Obama's vision of and work for a world without nuclear weapons."

"FEW Congratulates President Obama on Nobel Peace Prize." PR Newswire 14 October 2009.

FEW is a private, non-profit organization founded in 1968 after Executive Order 11375 was issued that added sex discrimination to the list of prohibited discrimination in the federal government.

"Five female laureates in 2009 are 'fabulous role models'." Financial Times, October 13, 2009,
Nobel prizes - with occasional exceptions such as Barack Obama's peace prize - are a lagging indicator of achievement; the three physics laureates this year were honoured for discoveries in the 1960s. So there is expectation that women will make up a rising proportion of future laureates, just as they are penetrating the bastions of scientific achievement such as the US National Academy of Sciences.

"NOBEL JUDGES DEFEND OBAMA AWARD." St. Petersburg Times, October 14, 2009,

"Scrap the Nobel Peace Prize," foreign affairs commentator Bronwen Maddox wrote in the Times of London. "It's an embarrassment and even an impediment to peace. President Obama, in letting the committee award it to him, has made himself look vain, a fool and dangerously lost in his own mystique."

"Where do these people come from?" said panelist Aagot Valle, a left-wing Norwegian politician. "Of course, all arguments have to be considered seriously. I'm not afraid of a debate." The decision stunned even seasoned Nobel watchers. They hadn't expected Obama, who took office barely two weeks before the Feb. 1 nomination deadline, to be seriously considered until at least next year.

"Obama's Nobel Peace Prize Ignites an Unprecedented Uproar of Conflicting Popular Opinion at CafePress - A CafePress Cultural Barometer(TM) Report." Business Wire 14 October 2009.

In April of 2009 CafePress created the Cultural Barometer(TM) Report to share some of the more interesting, obscure, newsworthy, overwhelming, and just plain funny trends that come to our attention via the almighty T-shirt.

"Peace prize isnt about stopping war." Daily Herald, October 14, 2009,

Irans president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad could win the Nobel Peace Prize in an instant if he announced his god had told him not to eradicate Israel, or usher in Armageddon. But Ahmadinejad wont, because he is evil and must be defeated. Same with Osama bin Laden. The United Nations would welcome him as a speaker and the Nobel Committee would award him their top prize if he would announce he no longer believes in terrorism and has become a follower of the Dalai Lama or some other "acceptable" pseudo-deity. He also will do no such thing because he is evil and must be defeated.

The Nobel Committee believes George W. Bush is evil, but apparently not bin Laden or Ahmadinejad. It cringes at leaders who wish to overcome evil by force rather than have the forces of evil overcome them. The Nobel Committee hates Israel, too. And this is because its members, and like-minded male wimps around the world, idolize Michael J. Fox instead of John Wayne and find their role models in the liberal ladies of "The View," not in muscular characters like Jack Bauer (and Chloe, who gets it) on "24."

"REP. BERNICE JOHNSON ISSUES STATEMENT ON AWARDING OF NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO PRESIDENT OBAMA." US Fed News Service, Including US State News, October 14, 2009,

"Russian commentator takes issue with opponents of Obama's Nobel prize." BBC Monitoring Former Soviet Union 13 October 2009.

The first reason is the undoubted desire to support [Barack Obama] on his arduous way to the creation of a new world structure. Encumbered by domestic problems and an economic crisis, the US president's approval rating in the United States itself is falling. This considerably narrows the space for foreign-policy steps that are unpopular among "America's hawks", but extremely necessary for the entire world community. In awarding Obama the Peace Prize the Nobel Committee is on behalf of the entire world community extending to him, as it were, the hand of assistance and support. American foreign policy has in recent decades ultimately been so catastrophic for the entire rest of the world that this same world is prepared to thank the new president, as if per the well-known aphorism, "if only for being well-intentioned". It is extremely important for everyone at this time that Obama, beneath the burden of problems and attacks, not become disillusioned with his chosen policy.

The second reason is there for all to see also - the prize was given on the principle: "beggars can't be choosers". The Nobel Committee has in recent years wrestled each time not with an abundance of contenders but with the paucity of the "menu of nominees". Under conditions where tension is escalating in various parts of the world and the modus of peace is beneath the burden of economic, ethnic, and religious local conflicts and trouble spots on the point of being replaced by the modus of war, there are increasingly few politicians and public figures who are "peacemakers" and true democrats. As [Vladimir Putin] once put it: "Since Gandhi there has been no one." Our former president was laying it on a bit thick, of course. Gorbachev, Carter, and a couple of other peacemaking Nobel Prize winners are still in fine fettle. And he could perfectly well drink with them a cup of coffee over reminiscences of the "peace-loving" and "democratic" counterterrorist operations in Chechnya, and the latter could tell him about their similar experience in Afghanistan, Riga, and Iraq. But when the prize was conferred on the former winners, people closed their eyes to all this.

"Russian website sees "scandalous" Nobel award feeding Obama's "narcissism"." BBC Monitoring Former Soviet Union 13 October 2009.

In his statement to the press [Barack Obama] said that he was "surprised and deeply humbled by the Nobel Committee's decision". He went on: "I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations. To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honoured by this prize - men and women who've inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace." At the same time, the President's entire demeanour and intonation demonstrated that he is by no means humbled. He enunciated the word in exactly the same tone of voice as a well-mannered gentleman would say "your humble servant," without the slightest suggestion of humility.

To a Russian reader's ear there is something painfully familiar about these words. "Here I stand before you, a woman beaten by her husband...." "I speak as a mother and as a woman...." But most of all these speeches call to mind the argument pursued by Mikhail Gorbachev when he declared that his grandfather had taken the socialist option, so all of us must choose socialism. The International Olympic Committee was supposed grant the Obamas' request out of respect for their life stories. The President's entourage does much to feed his conceit by relentlessly praising his every inclination. Just consider the impact of a comment made to Obama by Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid following a White House conference held to discuss strategy in Afghanistan: "Whatever decision you make, Congress will support you." And they still say that Congress is not a rubber stamp, ready to endorse the President's decisions.

Editorial and op-ed reactions to President Obama winning the Nobel Peace Prize." Denver Post, October 13, 2009,

"UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA WILMINGTON SOCIOLOGY PROFESSOR OFFERS EXPERT COMMENTARY ON OBAMA'S NOBEL PEACE PRIZE." US Fed News Service, Including US State News, October 14, 2009,

"We should all say thanks for the Nobel Peace Prize." Daily Herald, October 14, 2009,

To a degree, [Barack Obama] has contributed to this perception. For a while, he went on an apology bender, expressing regret for U.S. unilateralism "We have at times been disengaged and at times sought to dictate our terms" as well as for being "too easily distracted" and for Americas "failure to appreciate Europes leading role in the world." (Apres the Congress of Vienna, evidence for the latter is lacking.) He even took responsibility for the American contribution to the worldwide economic crisis "even if I wasnt president at the time" implying that it wouldnt have happened on his watch.

"World and nation in 60 seconds The world The nation." Daily Herald, October 14, 2009,

OSLO One judge noted with surprise that President Barack Obama "didnt look particularly happy" at being named the Nobel Peace Prize laureate. Another marveled at how critics could be so patronizing. In a rare public defense of a process normally shrouded in secrecy, four of the Nobel jurys five judges spoke out Tuesday about a selection they said was both merited and unanimous. To those who say a Nobel is too much too soon in Obamas young presidency, "We simply disagree ... He got the prize for what he has done," committee chairman Thorbjorn Jagland told The Associated Press by telephone from Strasbourg, France, where he was attending meetings of the Council of Europe.

"YOUR TURN-The Nobel Peace Prize." San Antonio Express-News, October 14, 2009,Your Saturday editorial, "[Barack Obama]'s peace prize premature," hit the nail on the head.

Anyone who believes in the myth of "the liberal media" should be disabused of that notion after reading the recent spate of anti-Obama editorial cartoons in the Express-News and especially the headline announcing his receipt of the Nobel Peace Prize ("Obama's gold medal could turn to brass").

If anyone questions whether Barack Obama deserves the Peace Prize, he beat them to it by saying that himself upfront. I refer critics to the committee chairman's explanation for the decision (and why Obama reluctantly accepted it) that Obama has already achieved a remarkable turnaround in international relations and hope for peace, and that the award was given as much in hope and encouragement that the United States will continue to move further to lead the world in those respects.

Ian MacDougall, and Karl Ritter. "Nobel panel defends decision :Says Obama deserves prize." Boston Globe, October 14, 2009,

The left-leaning committee whose members are appointed by the Norwegian Parliament lauded the change in global mood wrought by Obama's calls for peace and cooperation, and praised his pledges to reduce the world stock of nuclear arms, ease US conflicts with Muslim nations and strengthen the US role in combating climate change.

Ian MacDougall, and Karl Ritter. "Nobel panel issues rare defense of its selection :Peace Prize committee takes critics of Obama honor to task." Chicago Tribune, October 14, 2009,

Controversial awards include the 1994 prize shared by Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli leaders Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin for Mideast peace efforts, as well as the joint prize to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and North Vietnamese negotiator Le Duc Tho for a 1973 cease-fire agreement.

Week of September 28-October 2 2009:

Arnaldi, J., and J. Hudson. "Teaching the Applied Ethics of War and Peace." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 493-503.

This article describes a course that critically explored the ethics of war and peace within the historical context of the War in Iraq. Education has a central role in preparing students to deal with the challenges of organized violence and human security. Because academic and policy discourse about the ethics of war is often abstract and impersonal, it can fail to address vital human interests. This course was designed to provide compelling content that included first-person, subjective perspectives on the costs of war in terms of human suffering. Undergraduate students enrolled in the course had limited knowledge of history and current events, so content had to provide reasonable historical context to enable meaningful discussion of ethical concepts.

Antonenko, O.. "War and Peace in the Caucasus: Russia's Troubled Frontier." . Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 181.

War and Peace in the Caucasus: Russia's Troubled Frontier by Vicken Cheterian is reviewed.

Bajaj, M., and B. Chiu. "Education for Sustainable Development as Peace Education." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 441-455.

This article examines the intersections among peace education and environmental education to understand how these commonalities frame education for sustainable development. The authors trace the intersection of the two disciplines and explore the role of the United Nations in promoting and empowering individuals with the values to advance the twin goals of peace and ecological sustainability. The paper profiles the United Nation's Decade of Education for Sustainable Development, particularly as formal education, nonformal learning channels, and popular culture have embraced the holistic notion of ecological responsibility, peace, and social justice.

Barnett, J.. "The prize of peace (is eternal vigilance): a cautionary editorial essay on climate geopolitics." Climatic Change 96, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2009): 1-6.

The 2007 Nobel Prize has put peace on the agenda of climate science. At the same time heightened awareness about the dangers of climate change has resulted in a new discourse on climate wars which sustains some of the institutions at the heart of the problem, and which work more towards the cause of war than of peace. This discourse on climate conflicts might be less legitimate and tenable if climate change research did not actively or tacitly support it, were instead more critically engaged with it, and sought to advance understanding through rigorous, applied and critically aware social science.

Bechev, D.. "Extending the European Security Community: Constructing Peace in the Balkans." . Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 679.

Bechev reviews Extending the European Security Community: Constructing Peace in the Balkans by Emilian Kavalski.

Censer, J.. "North Carolinians in the Era of the Civil War and Reconstruction." . The Journal of American History 96, no. 2 (September 1, 2009): 562.

Manning's article on the North Carolina gubernatorial election of 1864 tries to square the popularity of the peace stance of the candidate William W. Holden (who looked to a negotiated end to the war) among Confederate soldiers in North Carolina with his overwhelming defeat. Challenging the commonly perceived public-private divide for women, she argues that the notion of "keeping the peace" had made black and white women familiar with the legal system and the local magistrates who were its representatives.

Cienciala, A.. "The Soviet-Polish Peace of 1921 and the Creation of Interwar Europe." . Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 667.

Cienciala reviews The Soviet-Polish Peace of 1921 and the Creation of Interwar Europe by Jerzy Borzecki.

DeBenedetti, C.. "Educators and Armaments in Cold War America." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 425-440.

This essay was written prior to the end of the Cold War. It may very well be the last scholarly essay that peace movement historian Charles DeBenedetti wrote prior to his death. Charles sent it to me in 1984, and for many years it was kept in one of my files. It is a historical commentary about the nuclear arms race based upon a thorough reading of education journals. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that in the very early years of the Cold War educators paid particular attention to the militarization of society and the construction of weapons of mass destruction. What is most telling is that from 1945 to the early 1950s concerned teachers voiced their worries regarding a race between catastrophe and education. However, by 1953, educators had dropped out of the race, falling victim to McCarthyism and the national government's concern for civil defense. This scholarly article points out that educators had a responsibility to teach the public about the horrors of nuclear armaments as an overwhelming threat and danger to humankind, but failed to do so as prosperity and government pressure silenced their voices. By the time of Sputnik in 1957, DeBenedetti tells us, they considered "nuclear weaponry as the very symbol of the uncharted ocean that separated advancing scientific and technological revolutions from the hoary human politics that made for an intractable Cold War." How can educators today rekindle that awareness and replace complacency with determination? What historical lessons can peace educators today learn from DeBenedetti's research on peace educators of the Cold War period?

Fischer, R., and K. Hanke. "Are Societal Values Linked to Global Peace and Conflict?" Peace & Conflict 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 227.

This study examines the link between societal level values measured in student and teacher samples and the Global Peace Index (GPI). Consistent with predictions, strong and consistent correlations between harmony, hierarchy (negative), and intellectual autonomy were observed. Overall, an integrated set of values was systematically related to GPI. Effects remain strong and stable even when controlling for economic, societal, and political development and perceptions of corruption. Furthermore, evidence that values and societal developments interact in their relation with GPI was found. Implications for conflict management are discussed.

Franklin, C.. "The Promise of Hope: Creating a Classroom Peace Summit." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 533-547.

This article examines an innovative way to engage young adolescents in developing deep understandings of peace. Using an approach called curriculum drama , the class works together to construct a "World Peace Summit" within the classroom. This extended project creates a pedagogical bridge that links student interests and energies to curricular content and academic skills. It emboldens students to use the power of imagination and inquiry in their learning and creates situations for student leadership and peer collaboration. Challenged by the task of portraying a notable figure of peace and interacting with others within this context, students take ownership in researching a particular biography of an individual who participated in a social reform movement. Through this process, students get involved in conversations within the topic of peace and, through their character portrayal, they begin to walk in the shoes of another.

Harris, I.. "A Select Bibliography for Peace Education." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 571-576.

Peace education is an umbrella term for education about problems of violence and strategies for peace. This bibliography provides references for books about the following aspects of peace education: nonviolence, peace, peace education, historical aspects of peace advocates, peace organizations, peace movements, and war and violence. The bibliography omits, e.g., multicultural education, international education/global studies, and human rights education.

Hashemi, S., and M. Shahraray. "How Do Iranian Adolescents Think About Peace? A Study of the Perception of Female Secondary School Students and Their Families." Peace & Conflict 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 249.

This research investigates the role of perception in the process of solving a peace problem. Data was gathered through a semi-structured interview with 18 Iranian female secondary school students and their parents. Findings indicated that the main conceptualizations of peace were serenity, security, and solidarity. With regard to the cause of war and ways to achieve peace, 2 students emphasized religious beliefs, and 4 pointed to the message of textbooks on identifying and fighting enemies. Eight students presented a global, comprehensive view, and did not consider peace as the absence of war. The remaining 4 students indicated no clear view in their causal explanations and solutions. In only five cases was there a relative convergence between students and their parents.

Herrmann, R., P. Isernia, and P. Segatti. "Attachment to the Nation and International Relations: Dimensions of Identity and Their Relationship to War and Peace." Political Psychology 30, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 721-754.

Since the rise of mass politics, the role national identities play in international relations has been debated. Do they produce a popular reservoir easily tapped for war or bestow dignity thereby fostering cooperation and a democratic peace? The evidence for either perspective is thin, beset by different conceptions of identity and few efforts to identify its effects independent of situational factors. Using data drawn from new national surveys in Italy and the United States, we advance a three-dimensional conception of national identity, theoretically connecting the dimensions to conflictive and cooperative dispositions as well as to decisions to cooperate with the United Nations in containing Iran's nuclear proliferation and Sudan's humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Attachment to the nation in Italy and the United States is found to associate with less support for militarist options and more support for international cooperation as liberal nationalists expect. This depends, however, on containing culturally exclusive conceptions of the nation and chauvinism.

Hostetter, D.. "Reflections on Peace and Solidarity in the Classroom." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 504-509.

Incorporating a peace perspective into teaching history requires hands-on activities that expose students to the craft of the historian. Research into the legacy of the Nobel Peace Prize, debates on issues of war and peace, and oral history interviews have proven to be productive methods for engaging students. Remaining open to the experiences of students themselves is essential to creating a classroom where students and teachers can learn about making peace.

Houghton, D.. "The Role of Self-Fulfilling and Self-Negating Prophecies in International Relations." International Studies Review 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 552-584.

As constructivists and other advocates of constitutive theories have often noted, the natural world is very different from the social one. Our ideas about the social world not only reflect that world, but help shape and create it; we are part of the reality we try to describe and explain, and we therefore have the potential to alter the reality a theory is merely intended to describe or explain. Our theories about the social world may thus become self-fulfilling prophecies or autogenetic in character, or they may self-negate. And yet while social constructivists often make this point in epistemological debates, there have been relatively few attempts so far to address its empirical implications. With that objective in mind, this paper examines two prominent IR theories--the democratic peace and the commercial peace--arguing that each has a self-fulfilling character rather than being true or false in any objective or timeless sense, as well as the potential of a currently self-negating thesis--the clash of civilizations--to become self-fulfilling; each theory is, to paraphrase the now time-honored expression, what the relevant actors make of it. The article also probes the processes by which theories become self-generating or self-negating. It is suggested that a number of frameworks developed outside political science--especially diffusion theory, memetics, social contagion theories, George Lakoff's metaphor-based model, Malcolm Gladwell's "Tipping Point" approach and social network analysis--may in combination help us understand both how political ideas spread through academic and policy communities and why particular ideas "win out" over others.

Howes, S., S. Gasper, and T. O'Connor. "Sharpening the Focus of OIG Evaluations to Further Enhance Accountability in the Peace Corps." The Journal of Government Financial Management 58, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 20-28.

Some agencies face greater challenges than others in meeting the legislative, regulatory and public drumbeat for accountability. Yet, with the right focus and energy, a path can be found. Witness the Peace Corps. Its noble mission, unique and changing environment, as well as ongoing turnover of both volunteers and managers, certainly present heavy-duty challenges to demonstrating accountability in a visible and convincing manner. But, despite these challenges, the Peace Corps' annual report for FY 2007 was awarded AGA's prestigious Certificate of Excellence in Accountability Reporting. Peace Corps officials have pursued further enhancements in performance measurement and reporting. On a parallel level, the Office of the Inspector General (OIG) has also acted to provide another -- and independent -- viewpoint on accountability by sharpening its approach to performing evaluations. In this spirit, the OIG at Peace Corps has "re-engineered" its approach to its evaluations, which they believe provide a critical component of assuring accountability to overall program effectiveness.

Joyce, A.. "EDITOR'S NOTE." Middle East Policy 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): III,IV.

The historic accomplishment of the Camp David accords between Israel and Egypt, brokered in 1 978 by President Jimmy Carter and a top-flight team headed by Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, was still fresh, although Carter had left onice in 1981 under the cloud of the Iranian hostage crisis (see the review of Carter's We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land, page 166). There followed the suicide bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks, the rebuilding of the PLO inside and outside the Occupied Territories, the first intifada, the birth of Hamas, the Iraq war for Kuwait, the Madrid Conference, the Oslo Accords, peace processing (see the review of Martin Indyk's Innocent Abroad, page 164), abortive talks with Syria, the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, failure at Camp David II, the Taba talks, the second intifida, 9/11, the second Iraq war, the second Lebanon war, the latest Arab Peace Initiative, and the war on Gaza - to mention only selected high and low points.

Laouris, Y., A. Erel, M. Michaelides, M. Damdelen, T. Taraszow, I. Dagli, R. Laouri, and A. Christakis. "Exploring Options for Enhancement of Social Dialogue Between the Turkish and Greek Communities in Cyprus Using the Structured Dialogic Design Process." Systemic Practice and Action Research 22, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 361-381.

This paper summarizes results of a co-laboratory that took place 33 months after the negative outcome of the referendum on the UN's proposal for the solution of the Cyprus problem, and which was a follow-up (3 months later) of a previous co-laboratory. The earlier co-laboratory explored factors contributing to the increasing gap between the two conflicting communities. The co-laboratory reported here engaged relevant stakeholders (peace pioneers, academics, business people, activists and others representing the Turkish and Greek speaking communities of Cyprus) to come up with options aiming to enhance the social dialogue between the two communities. The Structured Dialogic Design Process was used to structure 27 proposed options and develop an influence map. The deep drivers, i.e., most influential factors, determined decisions taken by the participating peace pioneers regarding their future interventions. The results are also discussed within the framework of current (analysis reflects the political situation during the period reported here) political developments.

Longo, M., and E. Lust. "The Case for Peace before Disarmament." Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 127.

Scholars and policymakers often argue that armed groups must first lay down their weapons before peace and democracy can be achieved. The existence of armed groups is considered antithetical to sustain peace and democracy, where the legitimate use of force belongs solely to the state. Here, Long and Lust shares their arguments regarding the insistence of disarmament as precondition to peace negotiations.

Maney, G., L. Woehrle, and P. Coy. "Ideological Consistency and Contextual Adaptation: U.S. Peace Movement Emotional Work Before and After 9/11." The American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 1 (September 1, 2009): 114.

The authors examine how the U.S. peace movement responded to the Bush administration's attempts to generate and capitalize on a heightened sense of threat after the 9/11 attacks. Longitudinal analysis of statements by U.S. peace movement organizations issued before and after 9/11 indicates that the movement's discourse is both ideologically consistent and contextually adaptive. In each period, movement discourse highlighted the U.S. government as a source of threat and people living outside of the United States as the targets of that threat. Nonetheless, the movement's discourse changed significantly in the exacerbated climate of fear in the first 4 months after the 9/11 attacks and then began to revert to pre-9/11 patterns during the Iraq War when the salience of threat declined. This research significantly advances knowledge of social movement discourse by establishing that ideological consistency and contextual adaptation are not mutually exclusive, by highlighting the contextual and dialogical factors that encourage certain types of movement responses to dominant discourses, and by explaining the role of emotional work in mobilizing dissent.

Marion, M., J. Rousseau, and K. Gollin. "Connecting Our Villages: The Afghan Sister Schools Project at the Carolina Friends School." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 548-570.

Mattes, M., and B. Savun. "Fostering Peace After Civil War: Commitment Problems and Agreement Design." International Studies Quarterly 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 737.

Lasting peace after civil war is difficult to establish. One promising way to ensure durable peace is by carefully designing civil war settlements. We use a single theoretical model to integrate existing work on civil war agreement design and to identify additional agreement provisions that should be particularly successful at bringing about enduring peace. We make use of the bargaining model of war which points to commitment problems as a central explanation for civil war. We argue that two types of provisions should mitigate commitment problems: fear-reducing and cost-increasing provisions. Fear-reducing provisions such as third-party guarantees and power-sharing alleviate the belligerents' concerns about opportunism by the other side. Provisions such as the separation of forces make the resumption of hostilities undesirable by increasing the costs of further fighting. Using newly expanded data on civil war agreements between 1945 and 2005, we demonstrate that cost-increasing provisions indeed reduce the chance of civil war recurrence. We also identify political power-sharing as the most promising fear-reducing provision.

Mingol, I.. "Coeducation: Teaching Peace from a Gender Perspective." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 456-470.

When analyzing peace education through a historical lens we should be sensitive to the gender dimension. Not only should we include critical analysis of the subordination of women and the denial of their rights throughout history, but we should also be sensitive to the way in which the educational system has recognized or denied women's historical legacy as caregivers and peace workers. In this article, the author analyzes care ethics as a key issue to explain the relationship between women and peace. Caring becomes a source of peace by enhancing such values as patience, responsibility, commitment, and tenderness. The historical evolution of the educational system in Spain from segregated schools to mixed schools and coeducative schools is analyzed to propose the inclusion of caring as part of a peace education curriculum. The aim is to generalize caring as a peaceful human value, not just a part of women's roles.

Morgan, B., and S. Vandrick. "Imagining a Peace Curriculum: What Second-Language Education Brings to the Table." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 510-532.

Just as peace and justice studies contributes much to Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages, the reverse is also true: second-language classes are particularly rich sites to explore diverse notions of the common good and implications for peace and war. Because of the intercultural interactions in such classrooms, and because such classes focus on language and communication, these settings offer unique opportunities to develop pedagogies addressing interethnic conflict and the dehumanizing language and images that promote it. English as a Second Language classrooms are productive settings for the telling of stories that counter official ones. Here we focus on critical pedagogies and curricula in two classroom settings. In the first, a class including Muslim students employs a critical media literacy perspective to investigate post-September 11th biases against Muslims. In the second, students read literature related to war and peace, examine its language, and make connections with their own stories and identities.

Neely, A., B. Barger, L. Bercaw, M. Espinosa, M. Hundley, A. Iddings, and R. Smith. "Peace, Locomotion.” Language Arts 87, no. 1 (September 1, 2009): 77.

Peace, Locomotion Written by Jacqueline Woodson G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2009, 136 pp., ISBN 978-0-399-24655-5 Peace, Locomotion is a thoughtful companion text to Woodson's National Book Award Finalist, Locomotion.

Orwin, D.. "Turgenev and Russian Culture: Essays to Honour Richard Peace." . Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 707.

Orwin reviews Turgenev and Russian Culture: Essays to Honour Richard Peace edited by Joe Andrew, Derek Offord, and Robert Reid.

Sandole, D.. "Turkey's unique role in nipping in the bud the 'clash of civilizations'." International Politics 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 636-655.

Johan Galtung's criticisms in the 1970s of media representations that glamorize war evolved as the peace journalism alternative approach. Since then, peace journalism has developed into a philosophical framework and an arsenal of framing techniques, but has been criticized for conceptual and practical weaknesses, and the need to strengthen its methodology, conceptual framework and empirical validation. This study of the 2006 Lebanon War press coverage in Canada and Israel aims at contributing to the empirical dimension. Stories published on and during the war by the Canadian Toronto Sun and the Israeli Yediot Aharonot were content analysed according to criteria adapted from the literature. General findings demonstrate an expected tendency towards 'war journalism'. Comparative findings for each newspaper, however, show that peace journalism is not entirely disregarded. While the study indicates both the salience and the resilience of war journalism, it also concludes that there are opportunities for the advancement of peace journalism and professional practices that could be adopted to achieve this.

Souaré, I.. "The International Criminal Court and African Conflicts: The Case of Uganda." Review of African Political Economy 36, no. 121 (September 1, 2009): 369.

For more than two decades, the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has been committing some of the most appalling human rights violations and war crimes against civilian populations in northern Uganda. The Ugandan Government has been unable to defeat the rebel movement and effectively protect the civilian populations from its carnage. This situation led the government to pass the Amnesty Act of 2000 in a bid to entice the group's leaders to end the fighting. Subsequently, the International Criminal Court (ICC), at the request of the Ugandan Government, issued arrest warrants in 2005 for the five main leaders of the movement, a move regarded by some as the main stumbling block to peace in Uganda, as the rebels are insisting on the annulment of these warrants before they can sign a definitive peace agreement. This article examines the dilemma that this situation seems to have created in the peace process in Uganda. It concludes that the ICC should be firm in combating impunity, but flexible in accepting other alternatives to attributive justice whenever necessitated by the situation, as its own statute acknowledges.

Ward, V.. "Conflicts of Interest: Plasticity of Peace Tourism and the 21st Century Nation." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 8, no. 2/3 (April 1, 2009): 414.

Peace tourism is a holistic, multi-dimensional phenomenon that intersects natural, social, economic, political and spiritual systems. This paper analyzes the dynamic construct of nation through five study questions, two theoretical frameworks, and three cases demonstrating the impact of varied applications of peace tourism on quality-of-life in different regions of the world.

Week of September 17-September 24, 2009 (Focus on Nuclear Disarmament and Arms Control):

Acton, J.. "Nuclear Power, Disarmament and Technological Restraint." Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 101.

There is a growing consensus that if key non-nuclear-weapons states are to be persuaded to strengthen the non-proliferation regime, nuclear-weapons states must start to live up to their commitment to work in good faith towards the elimination of such weapons. Here, Acton discusses the strategies and measures taken by states for abolishing nuclear weapons. These measures include placing all sensitive nuclear activities under multinational control and constructing the nuclear industry around less proliferation-sensitive technologies.

Andelman, D., and B. Pauker. "Back from the Brink: A Talk with Hans Blix." World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 15.

Andelman and Pauker interview Hans Blix, a Swedish diplomat, about the issue on whether it is realistic to move toward a world of zero nuclear weapons. Among other things, Blix talks about the role of verification in assuring a peaceful world that is free from the threat of the use of nuclear weapons.

Andelman, D.. "Onward to Armageddon?" World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 115.

Andelman points out that the Americans believe in the sanctity of their nuclear deterrent, in part, because it is the only ultimate guarantor of their survival. But when they dig down another layer or two or three, they find an even more powerful and fundamental belief: that their survival is essential, not because of Radina, religion, or security, but rather because they see themselves as the standard bearers of democracy, freedom, and civil rights--and it is their duty, their destiny, to spread this to the rest of the world.

Anonymous, . "Armageddon's Shadow." World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 1.

The legitimacy of nuclear power--and its obvious benefits when used peacefully for the betterment of mankind as a clean, carbon-free fuel, as a treatment for cancer and other horrific diseases--is largely unquestioned. But with the spread of these benefits comes the danger of diversion. "Zero," a world free from nuclear weapons, while a commendable goal, is unlikely to be a realistic scenario. Yet the proliferation of weapons is a slippery slope. Here, the perspective of nuclear powers, nuclear aspirants, and those who truly live in the shadow of Armageddon are explored.

Anonymous, . "By the Numbers." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 4.

Trends in Military Expenditures* $1,464 Billion Total world military expenditures in 2008 $607 Billion Total U.S. military expenditures in 2008 67% Increase in U.S. military expenditures since 1998** $85 Billion Total Chinese military expenditures in 2008 230% Increase in Chinese military expenditures since 1998** $66 Billion Total French military expenditures in 2008 4% Increase in French military expenditures since 1998** $65 Billion Total British military expenditures in 2008 20% Increase in British military expenditures since 1998** *Military expenditures include all current and capitel expenditures on personnel, procurement, operations, maintenance, and research and development for armed forces, defense ministries, and military space activities.

Anonymous, . "Conventional Arming and Disarming." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 5.

The U. S. -owned, Russian-built, mediumweight helicopters were requested by the Pakistani government and will be used to support operations against "militant extremists" and to provide humanitarian assistance to Pakistanis displaced by fighting, according to a June 11 article by the U.S. Department of Defense's American Forces Press Service.

Anonymous, . "Dangerous nuclear whispers." Nature 461, no. 7260 (September 3, 2009): 11.

For the United States to be developing a new warhead during this period would look to other nations like rank hypocrisy. [...] the replacement programme's very conceit, that existing warheads may not be reliable for much longer, will probably fuel conservative resistance to ratification of the CTBT.

Crail, P.. "IAEA Finds Uranium at Second Syrian Site." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 39-40.

According to the source, Syria said the IAEA would be expected to pick up activity from such renewed use. According to the June 5 report, Damascus told the IAEA that the pumping station was used for civil water purification.

Ensign, E.. "GAO Finds Gap in U.S. Export Controls." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 35-36.

According to the report, seven of the 12 types of sensitive dualuse and military items obtained during the investigation have previously been the focus of criminal indictments and convictions for violations of export control laws. At the confirmation hearing of Rep. Ellen Tauscher (D-Calif.), whose nomination to be undersecretary of state for arms control and international security was approved by the Senate June 25, Sen. Benjamin Cardin (D-Md.) expressed such concerns. Because "a lot of technological growth is international," companies would suffer if they "are prohibited from being engaged internationally," he said.

Erickson, E., and D. Horner. "Editor's NOTE." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 2.

According to Rolf Mowatt-Larssen, growing extremism, an expanding nuclear portfolio, and continuing instability challenge Pakistan's ability to protect its nuclear arsenal.

Etzioni, A.. "Zero is the Wrong Number." World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 5.

Pres Barack Obama's strategy calls for leading by example in dealing with the weapons of mass destruction. It assumes that after the US and Russia re-commit themselves to nuclear disarmament, other nations will be inspired either to give up their nuclear arms or refrain from acquiring them. This goal, referred as the "zero strategy" (for zero nuclear weapons), is dangerous if implemented, distracts the international community from more certain and pressing goals, and is extremely unlikely to move those who do need to be inspired, cajoled, or otherwise made to forgo nuclear arms. Here, Etzioni stresses that if zero is indeed the goal of the Obama administration, it is a dangerous notion unless it is preceded by radical changes in the ways the world is governed.

Farrelly, N.. "'AK47/M16 Rifle - Rs. 15,000 each': what price peace on the Indo-Burmese frontier?" Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 283.

One of the key tools for achieving India's stated ambition of stopping national fragmentation in the Northeast is the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (1958) (AFSPA). This article assesses Indian Government efforts to manage the parts of the Indo-Burmese borderlands that are subject to this law. It compares the approaches of governments on the Burmese and Indian sides of the frontier and interrogates the financial incentives that complement security policies in their shared borderlands. Economic incentives for ceasefire and disarmament are, I argue, part of a portfolio of pacification and reintegration strategies that are premised on the controlled ambiguities of the borderlands. As such, I argue that the impunities allegedly at the heart of the AFSPA are matched by the freedom of the Indian Government to funnel resources into paying off its enemies. In the Indian case, the wider environment in which the AFSPA is implemented cannot be ignored if a full analysis of its 50 years of operation is to be offered. The implementation of surrender agreements in the ambiguous space of the Indo-Burmese borderlands exemplifies how the Indian Government has prioritised national cohesion above legal, political or economic consistency. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Fitzpatrick, M.. "Stopping Nuclear North Korea." Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 5.

Following North Korean missile and nuclear tests and a series of other belligerent actions and threats, tensions on the peninsula have entered a dangerous phase. Demanding to be recognized as nuclear-armed and focused on leadership succession, Pyongyang seems no longer to be using brinksmanship for negotiation leverage. In response, the US and its Asian allies have signaled that North Korea cannot expect business as usual. Here, Fitzpatrick elaborates that there is a heightened potential for regional conflict and global repercussions if the wrong precedent are set by, for example, acquiescing to the North's nuclear rule-breaking.

Horner, D.. "Accord on New Rules Eludes Nuclear Suppliers." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 29-30.

According to a former U.S. diplomat, some European countries expressed concern that the arrangement would impose additional restrictions on their access to enrichment technology if they one day joined Urenco, the British-Dutch-German enrichment consortium. According to the NSG's Web site, the consultative group is the NSG's "standing intersessional working body."

Karpin, M.. "Deep in the Basement: Israel's Harmonious Nuclear Ambiguity." World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 31.

Today, Israel is the only country outside of the great powers whose right to possess a doomsday weapon is accepted by the world's most influential countries. Unlike Pakistan, India, and North Korea, Israel has not been asked to give up its nuclear capability or bare its programs to the world's scrutiny. No major power has censured Israel for producing the ultimate weapon, nor has it been threatened by the United Nations with sanctions. Here, Karpin examines how Israel became the Middle East's only nuclear power and succeeded in keeping its atomic program secret.

Khan, F.. "Nuclear Security in Pakistan: Separating Myth From Reality." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 12-20.

The United States and Pakistan never saw eye to eye with regard to the latter's nuclear ambitions. Since the mid-1970s, every effort the United States undertook to block, stymie, and dissuade Pakistan eventually failed to stop Pakistan in its quest to acquire a nuclear deterrent.12 The story of Pakistan's clandestine means of acquisition is widely known,13 but less is known about the context, which involves domestic national politics, regional secu- rity, and intense geopolitical engagement with the United States.14 By the turn of the century, the U.S. policy of rolling back Pakistan's nuclear capability had be- come an unrealistic objective.

Kramer, D.. "Obama and Medvedev set new limits on nuclear arsenals; further cuts likely." Physics Today 62, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 18.

US Pres Barack Obama and Russian Pres Dmitry Medvedev apparently did not allow the recently strained relations between the two nations to impede progress on reducing the numbers of nuclear weapons in their arsenals. But the cutbacks that the two leaders agreed to at their meeting last month in Moscow were modest, and many observers expect larger reductions to come, perhaps as soon as next year.

Lindsey, E.. "MDA Tests Laser Amid Budget Cutbacks." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 36.

According to the press release, the MDA plans to continue testing the tracking system against progressively more difficult targets before carrying out a complete demonstration later this year, when the ABL system will track and destroy a ballistic missile in boost phase. Current programs focus on better-understood technology, such as the AEGIS ballistic missile defense system, a sea-based system that targets missiles during the ascent and descent portions of the midcourse phase, and the land-based Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, which can intercept missiles in their terminal phase as they re-enter the atmosphere.

Longo, M., and E. Lust. "The Case for Peace before Disarmament." Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 127.

Scholars and policymakers often argue that armed groups must first lay down their weapons before peace and democracy can be achieved. The existence of armed groups is considered antithetical to sustain peace and democracy, where the legitimate use of force belongs solely to the state. Here, Long and Lust shares their arguments regarding the insistence of disarmament as precondition to peace negotiations.

McCain, J.. "Notable Quotable." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 4.

Speaking before the Japanese Diet on November 1 1, 1983, President Ronald Reagan said, 'The only value in possessing nuclear weapons is to make sure they can't be used ever.

Mowatt-Larssen, R.. "Nuclear Security in Pakistan: Reducing the Risks of Nuclear Terrorism." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 6-11.

[...] a terrorist group would improvise a nuclear device or essentially build a crude nuclear bomb, one that has a low yield and may be unpredictable, inefficient, and unsafe in comparison with the complicated weapons systems in a national nuclear arsenal. [...] Pakistan should receive high-level reassurances concerning U.S. nonintervention in a crisis, possible means of assistance, and so on. [...] senior officials in both countries should agree to pursue specific joint actions and special communications mechanisms to be activated during a crisis, such as responses to a stolen or missing nuclear weapon or takeover of a nuclear facility.

Ramberg, B.. "Living with Nuclear North Korea." Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 13.

North Korea's Oct 2008 agreement to open all declared nuclear sites to inspection by the International Atomic Energy Agency as a quid pro quo for its removal from the list of state sponsors of terrorism marked a high point for Pres George W. Bush's foreign policy. But even before Pyongyang began to abandon verification, Kim Jong II had outmaneuvered Bush by building and testing a nuclear device. Here, Ramberg emphasizes how the recent May 2009 nuclear detonation should put an end to the disarmament illusion, at least as long as the Kim regime remains in power. According to him, the time has come for Washington to stop trying to force Pyongyang to disarm and to recognize that nuclear non-proliferation is not an end in itself. Rather, it is only one means to prevent the use of atomic weapons, the ultimate objective.

Tamamoto, M.. "The Emperor's New Clothes: Can Japan Live Without the Bomb?" World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 63.

Clearly, a world free of nuclear weapons is a step-by-step process. It will take many years for the US and Russia--not to mention China or North Korea--to decommission their arsenals. But politicians in Japan fear, for the first time, that these moves are likely to cloud the clarity of America's commitment to defend the nation. Japan, which has foresworn offensive military capability since World War II and remains so reliant on a foreign protector, is deeply fearful of abandonment. Here, Tamamoto looks at whether Japan can live without nuclear weapons.

Tertrais, B.. "The Nuclear Express: A Political History of the Bomb and its Proliferation/The Bomb: A New History." Review. Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 169.

Tertrais reviews The Nuclear Express: A Political History of the Bomb and its Proliferation by Thomas C. Reed and Danny B. Stillman and The Bomb: A New History. by Stephen M. Younger.

Tertrais, B.. "Thinking About Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Problems, Prospects." Review. Survival 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 167.

Tertrais reviews Thinking About Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Problems, Prospects by Michael Quinlan.

Thielmann, G.. "Looking Back: The National Missile Defense Act of 1999." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 45-48.

[...] China and Russia have increased the quality and, in the case of China, the quantity, of their strategic ballistic missile forces in response to U.S. missile defense programs. Following the superficial log- ic of the act, the United States discarded the ABM Treaty even though most of the U.S. missile defense activities that have taken place between then and now could have been accommodated under the broad con- ceptual framework of the treaty. [...] the United States rushed to deploy defenses against the rogue-state ICBM missile threat before that threat materialized and before U.S. defensive systems had been adequately tested.

Zhang, H.. "Ending North Korea's Nuclear Ambitions: The Need for Stronger Chinese Action." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 21-27.

According to media reports, Beijing was informed by Pyongyang less than half an hour in advance of the explosion and was greatly angered and offended by the test because it blatantly disregarded China's calls for denuclearization. North Korea's nuclear and missile development provides a pretext for Japan to accelerate deployment of a joint U.S.-Japanese missile defense shield, which could mitigate China's nuclear deterrent. [...] a worsening crisis would generate a massive flow of North Korean refugees headed for China.

Twigge, S.. "Operation Hullabaloo: Henry Kissinger, British Diplomacy, and the Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War*." Diplomatic History 33, no. 4 (September 1, 2009): 689-701.

Twigge examines the British role in the 1973 US-Soviet Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War. Although their involvement was not known at the time, British officials were central to the negotiations and even drafted large portions of the treaty.

Week of September 10-September 17, 2009 (Focus on the United Nations):

Anderson, K.. "United Nations Collective Security and the United States Security Guarantee in an Age of Rising Multipolarity: The Security Council as the Talking Shop of the Nations." Chicago Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 55-90.

Other institutions are also taking note of the possible shifts and are responding. [...] the recent and quite remarkable European Court of Justice ("ECJ") ruling that, the Charter notwithstanding, the Security Council's resolutions under its binding power are not binding after all and subject to the rulings of institutions such as the ECJ itself.62 One may safely expect that a Security Council more driven by competitive Great Power politics will generate more, and more insistent, legal reconstructions from without, aimed at showing that the Security Council does not have the final juridical word in international peace and security, after all.

Anonymous. "David Killion Nominated as U.S. Ambassador to UNESCO." International Educator 18, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 10.

David Killion, who served as a senior professional staff member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and was the committees leading expert on international organizations and State Department operations, was nominated this summer to the post of U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), with the rank of ambassador.

Akseli, O.. "THE CISG AND ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL LEGAL SYSTEMS." Review The Journal of Business Law no. 6 (August 20, 2009): 630.

Ammar, N.. "The Relationship Between Street Children and the Justice System in Egypt." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 53, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 556.

This article examines the relationship between street children and the justice system in Egypt. After introducing the context of street children in the Egyptian case, it explores whether the justice system exacerbates the problem of street children and whether its potential to play a positive part in alleviating the problem should be revisited. The article then explores the basis for the negative perspective on the role of the justice system and the steps required to improve its role in solving the problem of the increasing number of street children. It concludes with a three-pronged approach for the Egyptian justice system to adopt to effectively address the problem of street children. The article is based on an existing knowledge base that is scattered in small-sample empirical studies, large-scale surveys, United Nations reports, newspapers, and a few academic articles written in both English and Arabic.

The CISG and its Impact on National Legal Systems, edited by Franco Ferrari, is reviewed.

Bauer, J.. "Unlocking Russian Interests on the Korean Peninsula." Parameters 39, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 52-62.

[...] there is reason to believe that the two neighbors now share little in common. When North Korea conducted ballistic missile and underground nuclear tests in 2006, Russia responded by supporting United Nations Security Council resolutions 1695 and 1718, condemning both events.6 Six months later, Vladimir Putin demonstrated even further disapproval by signing a decree prohibiting Russian government agencies and commercial ventures from exporting or transporting military hardware, equipment, materiel, or technical assistance that could be used in any of North Korea's weapons programs. 7 Russian actions have shown that their desire for relations with North Korea does not eclipse their other, more compelling security interests.

Beaulier, S., J. Hall, and B. VanMetre. "THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION SHOW THE NEED FOR DIRECT TAXATION? IT JUST AIN'T SO!" Economic Affairs 29, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 93-94.

Historians and economists often refer to the United States experience under the Articles of Confederation as evidence against decentralised government finance. While it is true that the US government had difficulty raising money from the states during this period, we argue that these facts are a benefit of the system, not a flaw. A 'bottom-up' system of finance, such as the one that existed under the Articles of Confederation, is an important check on Leviathan and has implications for United Nations fund-raising efforts and development economics.

Bolton, J.. "Time to Test North Korea." New Perspectives Quarterly 26, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 66.

An interview with John Bolton, a former US undersecretary of state for arms control and international security affairs and former US ambassador to the United Nations regarding North Korea's nuclear test in late May 2009 is presented. Among other things, he shares his views on whether the Chinese' and the Russians' harsh condemnation of the nuclear test makes any difference at all.

Cajal, M.. "The Alliance of Civilizations: A Spanish View." Insight Turkey 11, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 45-55.

In the foreseeable future, the international system will become one of multipolarity. This new order can be sustainable and peaceful only if it can guarantee harmony and a common purpose among nations. To that end, it must be based upon a package of ethical principles under the aegis of a more powerful, democratic and efficient United Nations system. These principles - democracy, multilateralism, full compliance with international law and respect for human rights - are the same moral rules that underpin the Alliance of Civilizations project as initiated by Spain and Turkey. It was a consequence of the awareness that something new had to be done to prevent a potential confrontation between two worlds, two mindsets. There was, and still is, a danger of a further drift between Islamic and Western societies that might threaten international peace and stability.

Capling, A., and R. Higgott. "Introduction: The Future of the Multilateral Trade System-What Role for the World Trade Organization?" Global Governance 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 313-325.

Global governance through multilateral institutions has fallen on hard times in the twenty-first century. Whereas intergovernmental multilaterialism was the dominant form of international collective action in the second half of the twentieth century, today international cooperation through multilateral institutions is facing severe challenges. Over the past five years or so, contributors to global governance have grappled with these difficulties, particularly in relation to the problems confronting the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the United Nations and its associated bodies. Here, Capling and Higgott seek to contribute to the ongoing debates through an examination of the World Trade Organization and the future of the multilateral trade system.

Carter, M.. "Response to Tavin's "The Magical Quality of Aesthetics"." Studies in Art Education 50, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 400-404.

In this commentary, I argue that Kevin Tavin's (2008) use of Lacan's objet a in his Studies in Art Education commentary "The Magical Quality of Aesthetics" is not a helpful analogy or solution for art education's search for the role of aesthetics. I offer that a pragmatist and dialogic viewpoint may be more useful and, because it describes the phenomenological experience of meaning and value, I also suggest it as a way of viewing aesthetics itself. This argument is supported with two examples: the covering of the Guernica tapestry at the United Nations during Colin Powell's presentation in 2003, and Darryl McDaniels' (co-founder of Run-D.M.C.) experience with Sara McLachlan's song "In the Arms of an Angel."

Chai, M.. "Golden Bones: An Extraordinary Journey from Hell in Cambodia to a New Life in America." Review Asian Affairs, an American Review 36, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 98-99.

After a brief stint in a refugee camp in Thailand, Siv found a sponsor in the United States, worked temporarily as a taxicab driver in New York, attended a master's degree program at Columbia University, and eventually become the first Cambodian-American to be appointed U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. In another society, in any other time period, Siv's descriptions of his education, training as a flight attendant, family gatherings, weddings, and career aspirations might seem mundane.

Cheng, S., and B. Siankam. "The Impacts of the HIV/AIDS Pandemic and Socioeconomic Development on the Living Arrangements of Older Persons in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Country-Level Analysis." American Journal of Community Psychology 44, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2009): 136-147.

This study investigates whether socioeconomic development and the HIV/AIDS pandemic are associated with living arrangement patterns in older persons in 23 sub-Saharan African countries. Country-level aggregate data were taken from previous household surveys and information provided by the United Nations, the World Bank, and the World Health Organization. Results showed that 13.5% of older persons (aged 60 years or over) were living with grandchildren but not adult children (i.e., skipped generation households). Countries higher in HIV/AIDS prevalence had more skipped generation households, and also more older persons living with spouse only and fewer older persons living with other relatives. Countries with higher socioeconomic development had fewer older persons living with children younger than 25 years old and more living with spouse only or with other relatives and unrelated persons. The pandemic and socioeconomic development combine to accelerate the breakdown of the extended family structure so that older persons are less and less likely to reside with, and to receive support from, their children. Cheng, S., and K. Heller. "Global Aging: Challenges for Community Psychology." American Journal of Community Psychology 44, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2009): 161-163. Older persons are among the major marginalized, disenfranchised citizens worldwide, yet this group has generally been ignored in the community psychology literature. In this paper, we trace the demographic trends in aging worldwide, and draw the field's attention to the United Nations Program on Aging, which structures its policy recommendations in terms of concepts that are familiar to community psychologists. A central theme of the paper is that community psychology can have a role in producing the conceptual shifts needed to change societal attitudes now dominated by negative age stereotypes.

Older persons are among the major marginalized, disenfranchised citizens worldwide, yet this group has generally been ignored in the community psychology literature. In this paper, we trace the demographic trends in aging worldwide, and draw the field's attention to the United Nations Program on Aging, which structures its policy recommendations in terms of concepts that are familiar to community psychologists. A central theme of the paper is that community psychology can have a role in producing the conceptual shifts needed to change societal attitudes now dominated by negative age stereotypes. Clifford, J.. "New Heavens: My Life as a Fighter Pilot and a Founder of the Israel Air Force." Review Air & Space Power Journal 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 115-116.   On one mission, he was shot down over the Adriatic, but a US Army PBY (patrol bomber) plucked him out of the freezing water in a daring rescue. After the United Nations mandate of 1 948, which created an independent Israel, he became one of the founding members of the new air force, serving as an Israeli pilot and eventually retiring with the rank of colonel.

Dolsak, N.. "Climate Change Policy Implementation: A Cross-Sectional Analysis." Review of Policy Research 26, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 551-570.

Why would countries invest resources to protect the global atmosphere, a global common-pool resource? After all, this is an open-access resource with no restrictions on appropriating its benefits. Furthermore, why would they do so under the aegis of a weak global regime (the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC) that has virtually no provisions for sanctioning noncompliance and when the largest contributor to the problem is not participating in the regime? This article examines why a number of countries have implemented the UNFCCC. I hypothesize that countries implement UNFCCC because they corner domestic environmental benefits, namely reduction in local pollution. In my empirical analysis of 127 countries, employing an ordinal logistic regression model, I find that local air pollution is associated with higher levels of implementation of the UNFCCC. Thus, I conclude that the incentives to implement a relatively weak global regime can be found in the domestic political economy.

Gheciu, A., and J. Welsh. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 115-120,89-90.

A second body of normative literature on postconflict reconstruction revolves around the policy debate over the "responsibility to rebuild." In late 2001 the independent International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) issued its report, 77ie Responsibility to Protect, which sets out the view that if the international community seeks to claim a responsibility to protect civilians through the use of force, it is obliged also to consider the aftermath of such military measures.10...

Gheciu, A., and J. Welsh. "The Imperative to Rebuild: Assessing the Normative Case for Postconflict Reconstruction." Ethics & International Affairs 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 121-146,89-90.

The first question parallels the debate about which actors should carry out humanitarian intervention, and remains controversial in both academic and policy circles.

Gowan, R.. "Does Peacekeeping Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War/UN Peacekeeping in Civil Wars." Review Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 352-354.

Gowan reviews Does Peacekeeping Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War by Virginia Page Fortna and UN Peacekeeping in Civil Wars by Lise Morje Howard.

Gruenberg, J.. "AN ANALYSIS OF UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS: ARE ALL COUNTRIES TREATED EQUALLY?" Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 41, no. 2/3 (July 1, 2009): 469-511.

This Note argues that the Security Council fails to treat all Members of the United Nations equally, specifically singling out Israel, and to a lesser extent South Africa, for disparate treatment during the Cold War period. After introducing the Security Council, the Note creates a hierarchical classification system of wording in Security Council resolutions, specifically of emotive and instructive wording. Once the system is explained, the Note analyzes the words used in each Security Council resolution and cross-references those words with the Entity being discussed. To do this, the Note focuses on nine specific areas in which the disparate treatment among Members is evident, particularly with regards to Israel. The Note concludes by stressing the importance of correcting the underlying endemic flaws in the United Nations system rather than trying to patch problems with artificial devices, such as the Negroponte Doctrine. Only by ridding the Security Council of its biases can it serve the purpose it was created to fulfill.

Herrmann, R., P. Isernia, and P. Segatti. "Attachment to the Nation and International Relations: Dimensions of Identity and Their Relationship to War and Peace." Political Psychology 30, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 721-754.

Hilton examines the plight of displaced persons from Poland and Latvia. Although the US and UN have offered assistance in repatriating these people, many refuse, fearing political or religious persecution in their former homelands, and therefore have established enclaves of their native culture in other lands.

Karlsson-vinkhuyzen, S., and H. van Asselt. "Introduction: exploring and explaining the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate." International Environmental Agreements : Politics, Law and Economics 9, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 195-211.

Issue Title: Special Issue: Exploring and explaining the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate/Guest Edited by Harro van Asselt and Sylvia Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen.

This introduction lays the groundwork for this Special Issue by providing an overview of the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP), and by introducing three main analytical themes. The first theme concerns the emergence and continuation of the APP. The contributions show that the emergence of the APP can be attributed to international factors, including the United States' rejection of the Kyoto Protocol, and its search for an alternative arena for global climate governance, and other countries' wish to maintain good relations with the US; as well as domestic factors, such as the presence of bureaucratic actors in favour of the Partnership, alignment with domestic priorities, and the potential for reaping economic benefits through participation. The second theme examines the nature of the Partnership, concluding that it falls on the very soft side of the hard-soft law continuum and that while being branded as a public-private partnership, governments remain in charge. Under the third theme, the influence which the APP exerts on the post-2012 United Nations (UN) climate change negotiations is scrutinised. The contributions show that at the very least, the APP is exerting some cognitive influence on the UN discussions through its promotion of a sectoral approach. The introduction concludes with outlining areas for future research.

Karpin, M.. "Deep in the Basement: Israel's Harmonious Nuclear Ambiguity." World Policy Journal 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 31.

Today, Israel is the only country outside of the great powers whose right to possess a doomsday weapon is accepted by the world's most influential countries. Unlike Pakistan, India, and North Korea, Israel has not been asked to give up its nuclear capability or bare its programs to the world's scrutiny. No major power has censured Israel for producing the ultimate weapon, nor has it been threatened by the United Nations with sanctions. Here, Karpin examines how Israel became the Middle East's only nuclear power and succeeded in keeping its atomic program secret.

Lhomme, J., R. Mougou, and M. Mansour. "Potential impact of climate change on durum wheat cropping in Tunisia." Climatic Change 96, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 549-564.

The potential effect of climate change on durum wheat in Tunisia is assessed using a simple crop simulation model and a climate projection for the 2071-2100 period, obtained from the Météo-France ARPEGE-Climate atmospheric model run under the IPCC (International Panel on Climate Change) scenario A1B. In the process-oriented crop model, phenology is estimated through thermal time. Water balance is calculated on a daily basis by means of a simple modelling of actual evapotranspiration involving reference evapotranspiration, crop coefficients and some basic soil characteristics. The impact of crop water deficit on yield is accounted for through the linear crop-water production function developed by the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations). Two stations are chosen to study the climate change effect. They are representative of the main areas where cereals are grown in Tunisia: Jendouba in the northern region and Kairouan in the central region. In the future scenario, temperature systematically increases, whereas precipitation increases or decreases depending on the location and the period of the year. Mean annual precipitation declines in Jendouba and raises in Kairouan. Under climate change, the water conditions needed for sowing occur earlier and cycle lengths are reduced in both locations. Crop water deficit and the corresponding deficit in crop yield happen to be slightly lower in Kairouan; conversely, they become higher in Jendouba.

Lovett, J., P. Hofman, K. Morsink, A. Torres, J. Clancy, and K. Krabbendam. "Review of the 2008 UNFCCC meeting in Pozna." Energy Policy 37, no. 9 (September 1, 2009): 3701.

Technology transfer is a central component in policies and action to prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Without creation and adoption of suitable environmentally sound technologies it will not be possible to follow the basic principles of sustainable development. Technology transfer was expected to be a major item at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Poznan, Poland, 1-12 December 2008, but was eclipsed by discussions on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation in Developing Countries. However, agreement was reached on a report from the Global Environment Facility called the 'Poznan strategic programme on technology transfer' outlining proposals to scale-up investment. At the meeting it was not possible to reach agreement on inclusion of carbon capture and storage technology under the clean Related Articles in ScienceDirect development mechanism and other areas of unresolved discussion included intellectual property rights and revision of the principle of differentiated responsibility. Side-events to the main meeting provided two important indications of future directions. First, intellectual property rights were discussed at length primarily with the opinion that they were not a major barrier to technology transfer. Second, representatives from the business sector were regarding environmentally sound technologies as an opportunity for economic growth and development.

Marshall, G.. "Authenticating Gender Policies through Sustained-Pressure: The Strategy Behind the Success of Turkish Feminists." Social Politics 16, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 358.

The model of "boomerang effect" only partially explains the dynamics of the international and national activism of Turkish feminists. When their demands were not met by the state, feminists reached out to the United Nations and the European Union. However, rather than bypassing the Turkish state as it would be expected by the boomerang model, they kept pressuring the state. This political strategy, which I call sustained-pressure, helped feminists claim responsibility and success during and after the gender policy changes of the 2000s in Turkey. Establishing the indigenousness of the need for change eased ultra-nationalist opposition to external pressure.

Plath, D.. "International Policy Perspectives on Independence in Old Age." Journal of Aging & Social Policy 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 209.

The promotion of independence in old age has become a common principle in aging policies internationally. The term independence, however, has a variety of meanings that are shaped by social/political/economic contexts and the values and attitudes toward older people. Interpretations of independence affect the ways in which policies are translated into strategies and services. The promotion of independence features prominently in the aging policies of the United Nations and the World Health Organization but does not fit well with the cultural values and social contexts of some countries. A comparison of aging policies in four countries-Australia, Denmark, India, and United Kingdom-found that the principle of promoting independence is not universally adopted. The author proposes that the profile and meaning of independence in policy is shaped by values surrounding individual, family, and social responsibilities. Consideration is given to the limitations and culturally bound nature of independence as a policy principle.

Smith, B., M. Sabin, E. Berlin, and L. Nackerud. "Ethnomedical Syndromes and Treatment-Seeking Behavior among Mayan Refugees in Chiapas, Mexico." Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 366-81.

This survey investigated the prevalence of ethnomedical syndromes and examined treatments and treatment-seeking in Mayan Guatemalans living in United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR) camps in Chiapas, Mexico. Methods included a rapid ethnographic assessment to refine survey methods and inform the cross-sectional survey, which also examined mental health outcomes; 183 households were approached for interview, representing an estimated 1,546 residents in five refugee camps and 93% of all households. One adult per household (N = 170) was interviewed regarding his or her health; an additional 9 adults in three surveyed households participated and were included in this analysis; of the 179 participants, 95 primary child-care providers also answered a children's health questionnaire for their children. Results indicated that ethnomedical syndromes were common in this sample, with 59% of adults and 48.4% of children having experienced susto (fright condition) and 34.1% of adults reporting ataques de nervios (nervous attacks); both conditions were significantly associated with symptoms consistent with posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression and are mental health conditions recognized by the American Psychiatric Association. Combining healthcare provider and indigenous treatments such as physician prescribed medication (65%), medicinal plants (65.7%), and limpias (spiritual cleansings) (40.6%) was reported. Most participants (86%) sought routine medical treatment from UNHCR trained health promoters in their camp. Assessing ethnomedical health is important for informing mental health programs among this population.

Xavier Medina, F.. "Mediterranean diet, culture and heritage: challenges for a new conception." Public Health Nutrition 12, no. 9A (September 1, 2009): 1618-20.

The aim of the present article is to discuss the role of the Mediterranean diet as a part of Human Culture and Intangible Cultural Heritage. Until the present, Mediterranean diet has been observed as a healthy model of medical behaviour. After its proposal as a Cultural Heritage of the Humanity at UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), Mediterranean diet is actually being observed as a part of Mediterranean culture and starting its concept as an equivalent of Mediterranean Cultural Food System or Mediterranean Culinary System. At the candidacy of Mediterranean diet as a World Cultural Intangible Heritage to be presented at UNESCO in 2008, this new conception is making sense. A new point of view that will be capital in the future discussions about the Mediterranean diet, their challenges and their future perspectives. Zaum, D.. "The Norms and Politics of Exit: Ending Postconflict Transitional Administrations." Ethics & International Affairs 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 189-208,90. The case of Kosovo highlights how the normative framework that governs postconflict Statebuilding has shaped the exit of the UN-led international administration in the territory. The "Kosovo standards," which became UNMIK's main exit mechanism, were an explicit use of exit benchmarks based on liberal norms; and references to local ownership and democracy were strategically used by local elites to argue for the faster handover of authority.

Week of August 14-August 20, 2009 (Focus on Nonviolence):

Alpaugh, . "The politics of escalation in French Revolutionary protest: political demonstrations, non-violence and violence in the grandes journées of 1789." French History 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 336-359.

The Réveillon riots, the storming of the Bastille and the October days of 1789 are known largely for their violent excesses, and they have been used by historians such as François Furet, Simon Schama and Arno Mayer to help place violence at the centre of the French Revolutionary experience. However, detailed studies of the early stages of these journées show that each of the protests began as essentially non-violent political demonstrations, which only turned physically violent in the face of attempted repression. Based upon a wide reading of Parisian newspapers, pamphlets, correspondence and other contemporary sources, this article highlights conciliatory aspects of Revolutionary protest and posits the existence of more peaceful alternatives to physical violence. Set in a wider context, where the overwhelming majority of Parisian street protests during the Revolution did not resort to physical violence, full-scale insurrection appears to have been only a secondary strategy, often adopted reluctantly.

Ahsan, A.. "The Preservation of the Rule of Law in Times of Strife." The International Lawyer 43, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 73-76.

The importance is that this is a terrorist war zone. [...] the existence of an independent and functioning juthciary is quite crucial to the prosecution of this form of war, which President Bush dubbed as a 'War on Terror'. [...] our movement continues despite the constitution of a new Parliament. [...] we continue to bear pressure upon those who govern, this time those who inhabit Parliament.

Astor, R., R. Benbenishty, and J. Estrada. "School Violence and Theoretically Atypical Schools: The Principal's Centrality in Orchestrating Safe Schools." American Educational Research Journal 46, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 423-461.

Theories often assume that schools in communities with high violence also have high rates of school violence, yet there are schools with very low violence in high violence communities. Organizational variables within these schools may buffer community influences. Nine "atypical" schools are selected from a national database in Israel. Three years of intense qualitative and quantitative methods are employed at these schools. The most important variable found is the leadership of the principal. These schools emphasize a school reform approach rather than packaged school violence evidence-based programs. The schools demonstrate "outward" oriented ideologies, a schoolwide awareness of violence, consistent procedures, integrated use of cultural and religious symbols, visual manifestations of student care, and the beautification of school grounds.

Couper, S.. "'An Embarrassment to the Congresses?': The Silencing of Chief Albert Luthuli and the Production of ANC History." Journal of Southern African Studies 35, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 331.

2007 was the 'Year of Luthuli' in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Throughout the year, events commemorating the 1967 death of the former President-General of the ANC celebrated his life and contribution to the liberation of South Africa. A year later, during the presidential succession battle various politicians paid tribute to Luthuli, positioning themselves as heirs to his political and moral legacy. Celebrated as a 'founding father' of South Africa's modern democratic state, who had led the ANC during some of the most dramatic events in its history and as Africa's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Luthuli's name conjures awe and respect. Unsurprisingly, Luthuli has been assigned a prominent place in the process of nationalist myth making. This article is inspired by Michel Rolph Trouillot's, Silencing the Past: Power and Production of History (1995) and highlights the contrast between the present lionisation of Luthuli as a nationalist founding figure and the effective silencing of his stance on the shift to violence soon after the launch of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in December 1961. I argue that a silence in the archives is not primarily a result of poor health or the banning orders imposed on Luthuli, but rather of his embarrassingly persistent espousal of non-violent methods that led to his marginalisation as a leader of the ANC in the early 1960s. An examination of Luthuli's columns in the Golden City Post reveals that he argued against a turn to violence before and after the ANC's decision to prepare for the armed struggle and MK's launch. Luthuli's continued public advocacy of only non-violent methods discomfited many of his contemporaries. Consequently, his ability to lead the liberation movement was compromised and diminished significantly from 1961 until his death six years later. Narratives by former MK operatives affirm Luthuli's prescience regarding the strategic ineffectiveness of violence. Finally, the article demonstrates the inaccuracy of the self-justifying portrayals of Luthuli as a supporter of the armed struggle by both nationalist historians and politicians.

Daniel, J.. "States of Exile: Visions of Diaspora, Witness, and Return." Review Anglican Theological Review 91, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 501,503.

The claim is that exile is both the site and style of Christian witness. [...] the Christology of the creeds is understand as an example of the early church not being theologically in charge, of witnessing to Jesus Christ in the language of Greek ontology, while the church's witness to the state includes, besides its incarnate nonviolence, an appeal to "middle axioms," those standards by which the state justifies itself.

Deats, R.. "Active Nonviolence Across the World." Fellowship 75, no. 1-6 (January 1, 2009): 20-29.

Church leaders fully backed her call; in fact, the Catholic bishops made a historic decision to call upon the people to nonviolently oppose the [Ferdinand Marcos] government. Crucial defections from the government by two key leaders and a few hundred troops became the occasion for hundreds of thousands of unarmed Filipinos to pour into the streets of Manila to protect the defectors and demand the resignation of the discredited government. These "unarmed forces of the Philippines" gathered along the circumferential highway around Manila which ran alongside the camps where the rebel troops had gathered. The highway is called Epifanio de los Santos - the Epiphany of the Saints! Troops sent to attack the rebels were met by citizens massed in the streets, singing and praying, calling on the soldiers to join them in the "People Power Revolution." Clandestine radio broadcasts gave instructions in nonviolent resistance. When fighter planes were sent to bomb the rebel camp, the pilots saw it surrounded by the people and defected. A military man said, "This is something new. Soldiers are supposed to protect the civilians. In this particular case, you have civilians protecting the soldiers." Facing the collapse of his support, Marcos and his family fled the country. The dictatorship fell in four days.

The crushing of Czechoslovakia's 1968 experiment to create "socialism with a human face" strengthened the widely held assumption that communism was incapable of peaceful change and democratic openness, and that nonviolence might "work" in India or the United States, but never with communist regimes. Foreign policy "realists" held that authoritarian states could change but not totalitarian ones. This added fuel to the Cold War and the nuclear arms race and the belief that World War III was a virtual certainty. Not many paid attention to those aspects of the Czech experiment that contained hints of the "people power" revolutions that were to flower in the 1980s, but they were highly significant.

Why do we so resist the potential of the not yet stirring in the present moment? The sociologist Elise Boulding reminds us how deadly pessimism can be, for it can undermine our determination to work for a better tomorrow. Hope, on the other hand, infused in an apparendy hopeless situation can create an unexpected potential for change. As the theologian [Walter Wink] has written, "History belongs to the intercessors who believe the future into being." This is the faith that sings, in the face of police dogs and water cannons, "We Shall Overcome." Or, as [Joan Chittister] of Arc muses in George Bernard Shaw's St. Joan, "Some people see things as they are and ask 'Why?' I dream of things that never were and ask, 'Why not?'"

Domhoff, G.. "Creating a Liberal-Left Alliance for Social Change: Prescriptions From the Social Sciences Literature." The American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 1 (September 1, 2009): 151.

Based on research in the social sciences, this article suggests new directions and compromises that might make it possible for liberals and leftists to work together in the hopeful post-9/11, post-Bush/Cheney era. There are five basic issues - electoral strategy, the role of social movements, the need for a new model for the economy, the need for a reframing of who is "us" and who is "them," and the creation of a new organizational structure. It first explains why leftists should organize themselves into Egalitarian Democratic Clubs within the Democratic Party, followed by an analysis of why social movements are more valuable than many liberals have acknowledged but only when they embrace strategic nonviolence as their sole method of social disruption. It then suggests a new framework for thinking about an egalitarian economy that would allow liberals and leftists to work together even while disagreeing about how egalitarian that economy could become. Finally, it suggests a reframing of "us" and "them" in terms of people's values and policy prescriptions, not their class, race, gender, or sexual orientation, and the creation of a network of organizations that share a commitment to the proposed electoral, social movement, and economic strategies.

Garcia, R.. "Cesar Chavez and the Common Sense of Nonviolence." Review The Journal of American History 95, no. 4 (March 1, 2009): 1242-1243.

Orosco's central argument is that Chavez was a "community intellectual" (a combination of Antonio Gramsci's "organic intellectual" and Saul Alinsky's "radical community activist") involved in the "production of knowledge" and an "original thinker and a social theorist" who "developed a 'philosophy of nonviolence' . . . significantly distinct from the work of [Mahatma] Gandhi [positive-reaction] and [Martin Luther] King [civil disobethence]" and "more appropriate ... for social justice in America": a social theory of "Radical Democracy" (pp. 3-6, 30-31, 85, 96). The farm workers' struggle would serve as the catalyst for a new American "social movement" with a philosophy emphasizing a "sense of social agency"; a "historical consciousness"; a "self-realization of individuality and community"; a telos of the evolutionary dynamics of a "logic of nonviolence"; a belief that time exposes truth; a desire for a "culture of peace"; and a belief in "self-determination" (pp. 2325, 106-7).

Godrej, F.. "Towards a Cosmopolitan Political Thought: The Hermeneutics of Interpreting the Other*." Polity 41, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 135-165.

The emergence of the field of comparative political theory suggests that the encounter with non-Western texts be considered a legitimate and necessary part of political theory, so that the field is reconstituted in a truly cosmopolitan manner. However, this also presents unique challenges to political theorists. Chief among these is the question of what hermeneutic approach would allow us to understand well the ideas contained in these texts. This essay will argue for a particular approach to the interpretation of non-Western texts and ideas, providing an account of a methodologically self-conscious approach to comparative political theory. A serious comparative political theorist will inevitably have to alternate between an internal immersion in the lived experience of the text, and an external stance of commentary and exegesis of the text. Struggling with the conflicting imperatives of these moments is precisely the task of a more nuanced approach to comparative political theory. Ultimately, however, I also argue that this particular approach has implications for the development of a genuine cosmopolitanism in the field of political theory. A cosmopolitan political theory is precisely one in which such struggles and complex encounters with the otherness of texts are increasingly made available to provoke, dislocate, and challenge our own understandings of political life. The method I offer is thus deeply implicated in the evolution of our self-understanding as political theorists.

Hallward, M.. "Creative Responses to Separation: Israeli and Palestinian Joint Activism in Bil'in." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 541.

This article examines creative ways in which Israeli and Palestinian activists engage with each other and the powers seeking to separate them in their nonviolent struggles for a just and lasting peace. Using the geopolitical theory of territoriality, the article briefly examines a number of administrative, physical, and psychological barriers facing joint activism and the strategies activists use to counteract them. Drawing on nonviolent theory and practice, the article analyzes how activists exert power through the creative use of symbols and practices that undermine the legitimacy of occupation policies. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2004-05 and July 2006, the article explores the implications of this activism on conceptions of identity, and strategies for restarting a moribund peace process. The relative 'success' of sustained joint action in Bil'in can provide scholars and policymakers with innovative approaches for addressing some of the outstanding issues needing to be addressed by official negotiators. Although government bodies are more constrained than activists, the imaginative means of engaging with the system--and the reframing of issues through the redeployment of 'commonplaces'--can perhaps provide inspiration, if not leverage, for thinking outside of the box.

Hanssen, M.. "The Psychology of Nonviolence and Aggression." Review Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 456. Hanssen reviews The Psychology of Nonviolence and Aggression by V. K. Kool.

Harris, V.. "We, Too, Sing America." The Reading Teacher 62, no. 5 (February 1, 2009): 450-455.

[...] Parks was an intentional activist, a member of the local NAACP who had trained at the Highlander Center, an interracial organization devoted to training activists. There are several reasons for this concern, including the residual effects of political dissent precipitated by the Civil Rights movement, the Vietnam War, and the Watergate constitutional crisis, disenchantment with political institutions and leaders, and other factors related to cultural values and mores.

Huizenga, L.. "Obedience unto Death: The Matthean Gethsemane and Arrest Sequence and the Aqedah." The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 71, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 507-526.

[...] the Matthean Jesus and the Isaac of ancient Jewish tradition resemble each other to a remarkable degree: both are promised children conceived under extraordinary circumstances, beloved sons who, for redemptive purposes, willingly face their sacrifices at the season of Passover in obethence to their respective fathers. [...] when rightly read as a narrative with attention to its first-century C.E. cultural location, the Gospel of Matthew presents a significant Isaac typology. [...] 4Q225 sets the Aqedah in the context of the Passover, as it presents verbal parallels that suggest that it is dealing in a Jubilean way with several events that happened in the time of the Exodus from Egypt.

Inwood, J.. "Contested memory in the birthplace of a king: a case study of Auburn Avenue and the Martin Luther King Jr. National Park." Cultural Geographies 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 87-109.

A critical element in the process of racializing place is the construction of memorial landscapes. Using the Martin Luther King Jr National Historic Site and the surrounding Auburn Avenue community as a case study this paper argues that the sites dedicated to Dr King along Auburn Avenue embody a normative Civil Rights discourse which emphasizes national unity and non-violence and serves to silence and reframe more radical interpretations of Dr Martin Luther King Jr's social thought and action. More specifically the King National Historic Site represents King as a mainstream leader who used the existing democratic structure of US society to affect social change. This is related to the role the King National Historic Site plays in the construction of hegemony. A critical aspect of this process is the way this normative Civil Rights vision is used to market an understanding of the City of Atlanta. Thus the King memorials along Auburn Avenue are important sites to examine the connections between race, place and nation and the way the memorial landscape dedicated to Dr King embodies particular social values and ideas about the historic legacy of race in the United States.

Johnson, M.. "Acts of Conscience: Christian Nonviolence and Modern American Democracy/American Nonviolence: The History of An Idea." Review Fellowship 75, no. 1-6 (January 1, 2009): 41-42.

[John Haynes Holmes] was joined in his "discovery" and celebration of Mahatma Gandhi by black theologians and activists such as Howard Thurman and Bayard Rustin. The origin of Gandhi's philosophy of satyagraha in South Africa, in opposition to racial discrimination and segregation, caught the attention of Americans examining issues of race and labor justice. In the 1920s, Richard Gregg went to live with Gandhi on his ashram and begin work that led to his seminal book The Power of Nonviolence, the bible of the movement. By the 1930s, Thurman and Rustin were steeped in Gandhi's teachings and visiting him in India.

Over and over, [Joseph Kip Kosek] locates popular dating of nonviolence in U.S. politics in earlier precedents and long, vital debates of religious versus secular groundings of nonviolence, absolutist and idealist versus pragmatic and realist positions on applied nonviolence, and the relationship between war, racism, and materialism. The long and critical role of AJ. Muste - his passage through communist sympathies, debates with Reinhold Niebuhr, influence on Martin Luther King, Jr., banishment yet continued mentoring of Bayard Rustin, prescience in supporting George Houser's and John Swomley's projects in the United States and Africa - is fully discussed.

Though not a part of the tide, [Ira Chernus]'s premise is the same as Kosek's: "Although it is certainly possible to live a life of principled nonviolence without being a Christian, it is not possible to understand nonviolence in the United States without understanding its Christian origins."

Kelley, E.. "A Palestinian Christian Cry for Reconciliation." Review The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 74.

Rejecting the misuse of scriptures by Jewish and Christian Zionists, he has written a new book offering theological insights to biblical texts that help Palestinian Christians living under Israeli occupation. By shedding new light on Jesus' teachings with new knowledge of the history and culture of the New Testament, liberation theology made faith relevant to real life, helped the faithful to better understand their own suffering, inspired them to work for change, and pointed to a greater truth with definite political implications.

Kopeliovich, S., and J. Kuriansky. "Journeys for Peace: A model of human rights education for young people in Mexico." Counselling Psychology Quarterly 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 69.

[Kathleen Kern]'s comprehensive history of CPT frames and informs the more focused account of the Baghdad team's abduction. While In Harm's Way provides the reader with a carefully researched account of the political, historical, and theological streams flowing into CPT's emergence onto the peacemaking scene, 118 Days offers an intimate and dramatic account of one team's nightmarish ordeal. Taken together, both books offer an in-depth experience of active nonviolence in some of the world's most dangerous and violent locales.

Because CPT officially came into being in the late 1980s, Kern begins by invoking Ron Sider's address at the 1984 Mennonite World Conference in Strasbourg, France. According to Kern, Sider's address was instrumental in legitimizing the idea of a coordinated nonviolent response to violence. Kern acknowledges significant antecedents (she mentions Gandhi and the civil rights movement, among others). But it was during the 1980s, against the backdrop of neo-colonial intervention in Central America, that these peacemaking energies found expression first in an influential Mennonite study document and, soon after, in the establishment of Christian Peacemaker Teams.

Moghadam, V.. "Transformations: Feminist Pathways to Global Change: An Analytical Anthology." Review Contemporary Sociology 38, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 362-363.

Chapter topics are women-centered movements and alternative development; redefining work, gender, and development; feminist pathways to democracy and equality; humanizing social relations; restructuring gender to promote alternative development; feminists who reconstitute work and market; women and the environment, or regenerative development; and feminist movements for nonviolence and peace. [...] the emergence of movements that promote equality, democracy, environmental regeneration, humanizing work relations, and peace.

Nair, N.. "Bhagat Singh as 'Satyagrahi': The Limits to Non-violence in Late Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 649-681.
Abstract

Among anti-colonial nationalists, Bhagat Singh and M.K. Gandhi are seen to exemplify absolutely contrasting strategies of resistance. Bhagat Singh is regarded as a violent revolutionary whereas Gandhi is the embodiment of non-violence. This paper argues that Bhagat Singh and his comrades became national heroes not after their murder of a police inspector in Lahore or after throwing bombs in the Legislative Assembly in New Delhi but during their practice of hunger strikes and non-violent civil disobedience within the walls of Lahore's prisons in 1929-30. In fact there was plenty in common in the strategies of resistance employed by both Gandhi and Bhagat Singh. By labelling these revolutionaries 'murderers' and 'terrorists', the British sought to dismiss their non-violent demands for rights as 'political prisoners'. The same labels were adopted by Gandhi and his followers. However, the quality of anti-colonial nationalism represented by Bhagat Singh was central to the resolution of many of the divisions that racked pre-partition Punjab.

O'Donnell, L., G. Agronick, R. Duran, A. Myint-U, and A. Stueve. "Intimate Partner Violence Among Economically Disadvantaged Young Adult Women: Associations With Adolescent Risk-Taking and Pregnancy Experiences." Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 41, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 84-91.

Intimate partner violence negatively impacts the health of substantial proportions of young women in economically disadvantaged communities, where sexual initiation, aggressive behaviors, unintended pregnancies and childbearing are common among adolescents. It is therefore important to assess how adolescent risk behaviors and pregnancy experiences are linked to such violence during young adulthood. Data from 526 participants in the Reach for Health Longitudinal Study who were surveyed during middle school (in 1995-1996 and 1996-1997) and at ages 22-25 (in 2005-2007) provided information on adolescent risk behaviors and pregnancy experiences, as well as experiences of intimate partner violence during young adulthood. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to identify correlates of intimate partner violence involvement. As young adults, 29% of women reported having been victims of intimate partner violence in the past 12 months; 21% reported having perpetrated such violence. In multivariate analyses, victimization and perpetration in the last year are positively associated with aggressive behavior in middle school (odds ratios, 1.9 and 2.5, respectively), lifetime number of sex partners (1.3 for both) and having a history of unintended pregnancy or pregnancy problems (1.3 for both). Perpetration also is associated with early sexual initiation (0.5) and living with a partner (1.8). It is important to consider women's pregnancy histories in programs aimed at preventing the adverse outcomes of relationship violence and in screening for partner violence in sexual and reproductive health services. Early intervention may help women develop the skills needed for resolving conflicts with peers and partners.

Osenbach, J., J. Stubbs, J. Wang, J. Russo, and D. Zatzick. "Legal Events as Predictors of Posttraumatic Stress in Injured Trauma Survivors." Psychiatry 72, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 70-8.

Prior research suggests that involvement in a lawsuit may be associated with the development of enduring posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms as well as inflated and potentially invalid symptom reports. This research aimed to describe the spectrum of legal events experienced by injured trauma survivors and prospectively assessed the association between legal events and PTSD symptoms. Over a nine month period, hospitalized injury survivors were randomly screened for study participation. Legal events were prospectively assessed, and PTSD symptoms were reported twelve months after the injury. Linear regression was used to determine the association between legal events and higher PTSD symptom levels. Increasing numbers of legal events were associated with significantly higher PTSD symptom levels. Seeking legal counsel (34%), being a victim of non-violent crime (14%), and involvement in a lawsuit (9%) were the most common legal events reported. None of these categories of legal events, however, were associated with significantly higher PTSD symptom levels. Because injury survivors are frequently involved in a spectrum of legal events, it is important for future research to assess the cumulative burden of legal events, as these experiences may represent recurring stressful life events that have the potential to exacerbate PTSD symptoms.

Palmer-Mehta, V.. "Aung San Suu Kyi and the Rhetoric of Social Protest in Burma." Women's Studies in Communication 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 151-179.

This essay provides a case study of the speech that marks Aung San Suu Kyi's emergence as a leader of the pro-democracy opposition in Burma. I trace how she weaves together collective memory and an ethic of care to achieve political ascendancy and to create a space for nonviolent democratic revolution. The study contributes to progressive care theorizing by examining the construction of a care ethic in an authoritarian regime in the midst of revolution.

Rane, H.. "Jihad, competing norms and the Israel-Palestine impasse." Australian Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 41.

A central factor in the failure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict is the direct competition that exists between its two most central international norms: 'self-determination', the fundamental claim of the Palestinians, and 'self-defence', the overriding concern of Israelis. Particularly since 9/11, Palestinian violence has been a liability for their cause and has served to validate Israel's self-defence arguments. Increasingly, Palestinian violence has been perpetrated by the Islamically oriented under the banner of jihad, which is understood almost exclusively in terms of armed struggle. Non-violence--which has the potential to undermine Israel's self-defence arguments and generate external pressure on Israel to adhere to the terms of a just peace--has been under-appreciated by such Palestinians. Non-violence is far from having a normative status in the Muslim world as an Islamically legitimate response to occupation and it is yet to be conceptualised as an effective form of resistance. The concept needs to be reformulated in accordance with the realities and opportunities confronting the Palestinians. Contextualisation combined with a maqasid or objective-oriented approach establishes non-violence as a preferable option to violence both in terms of the higher objectives of jihad, enshrined in the Quran, as well as of the attainment of Palestinian self-determination.

Sarchiapone, M., V. Carli, M. Di Giannantonion, and A. Roy. "Risk Factors for Attempting Suicide in Prisoners." Suicide & Life - Threatening Behavior 39, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 343-50.

We wished to examine determinants of suicidal behavior in prisoners. 903 male prisoners had a psychiatric interview which included various psychometric tests. Suicide attempters were compared with prisoners who had never attempted suicide. Significantly more of the attempters had a history of psychiatric disorder, substance abuse, a family history of suicidal behavior, convictions for violent crime, had exhibited aggressive behavior in jail, and had higher BGLHA aggression scores. A similar pattern of risk factors was found for prisoners with suicidal ideation. A lifetime history of attempting suicide, or of having suicidal ideation, is frequent in prisoners. Risk factors include family, developmental, aggression, personality, psychiatric, and substance abuse factors.

Schneider, N.. "The Original Peaceniks." Review. Commonweal 136, no. 10 (May 22, 2009): 26,28.

The Catholic critique of pacifism, voiced in this period by John Courtney Murray, among others, seems not to have troubled the Fellowship as much. Because of the Catholic Church's endorsement of just-war theory, "Catholics had been the hardest religious people to attract to the Christian nonviolent vanguard," Kosek writes.

Sen, R., and W. Wagner. "Cultural Mechanics of Fundamentalism: Religion as Ideology, Divided Identities and Violence in Post-Gandhi India." Culture & Psychology 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 299.

This study analyses the history of Hindu fundamentalism up to the present time, as it developed since India's independence. In the course of its rise, Hindutva destroyed the Gandhian symbolism of non-violence, reinterpreted cultural symbols to become political signs and prepared the ground for communal violence. Secularists and the religious out-group, Muslims, became targeted as enemies. During the resulting Hindu ethnic dominance, religion was converted from a faith into an ideology. The sequence of events in the development of this movement repeats the common scheme of a religious fundamentalist movement that serves the nationalist goals of political leaders. It is argued that such groups cannot reasonably be conceptualized in terms of an individual psychology or personality, that is, a trait, but as a cultural movement that unites people sharing membership of a social class, that is, a sociocultural state. Such movements, in contrast to Abrahamic religious fundamentalisms, do not form well-established stable groups over time, but are more like a waxing and waning political movement where membership is determined by social class and ethnic identity. Their politics trigger a heightened awareness of ethnic identity, prime a religiously ideological mindset and, as a consequence, release communal violence.

Vesely-Flad, E.. "Editor's Note." Fellowship 75, no. 1-6 (January 1, 2009): 3.

We are deeply grateful to the board of The Human Quest for its decision to distribute some assets, both financial and subscribers, to Fellowship (see story, page 18) in recognition of our commitment to promoting themes of nonviolence, peace, and freedom. As we commence our 90th year of publishing (75th as Fellowship), this significant support helps us to resume publishing on a regular basis.

Week of August 21-August 27, 2009:

Akhavan, P.. "Are International Criminal Tribunals a Disincentive to Peace?: Reconciling Judicial Romanticism with Political Realism." Human Rights Quarterly 31, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 624-654.

A significant challenge to the efficacy of international criminal justice in global governance is the view that prosecution of political leaders still in power creates a disincentive to peace and thus prolongs atrocities. While "judicial romantics" are often oblivious to these complexities, the "political realists" have failed to demonstrate that tribunals are in fact an impediment to peace and stability. The impact of the International Criminal Court on three recent situations in Africa suggests that judicial intervention is more likely to help prevent atrocities rather than impede peace, even if arrest warrants cannot be executed.

Anonymous, . "Chad: New Peace Agreement." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 7 (August 1, 2009): 18041A-18041A.

Barnett, J.. "The prize of peace (is eternal vigilance): a cautionary editorial essay on climate geopolitics." Climatic Change 96, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2009): 1-6.

Cavendish, R.. "AUG 1 1259: An Anglo-Welsh truce renewed." History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 11.

Welsh independence in the 13th century did not mean separation from England - substantial areas were controlled by English barons - but the preservation of Welsh culture and local self-government in the Welsh heartland, with a native prince topping the feudal pyramid. Edward invaded Wales with overwhelm- ing force and in 1277 Liywelyn was made to accept an ignomin- ious peace treaty and a large fine (which Edward later waived) He was allowed to keep the homage of only five insignifi- cant Welsh lords and, though he retained his Prince of Wales tille, U was now meaningless.

Dean-Ruzicka, R.. "Tales for Little Rebels: A Collection of Radical Children's Literature." Review. Children's Literature Association Quarterly 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 291-293.

The book is structured around eight radical themes: "R Is for Rebel," "Subversive Science and Dramas of Ecology," "Work, Workers, and Money," "Organize," "Imagine," "History and Heroes," "A Person's a Person," and "Peace." [...] if one were interested in doing a full-length critical study of radical children's literature, this is one of the first texts I would recommend for research.

Evans, J., and J. Tonge. "Social Class and Party Choice in Northern Ireland's Ethnic Blocs." West European Politics 32, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 1012.

The peace process in Northern Ireland has not diminished the acute ethnic electoral faultline between the majority Protestant British population, supportive of parties favouring Northern Ireland's continuing place in the United Kingdom and the minority Catholic Nationalist population, which backs parties harbouring long-term ambitions for a united Ireland. Within each bloc, however, there has been a dramatic realignment in favour of parties once seen as extreme and militant. The Democratic Unionist Party has emerged as the main representative of the Protestant British population, whilst Sinn Fein, having for many years supported the Provisional IRA's 'armed struggle' against British rule, has become the dominant party amongst Catholic Nationalists. As both parties have entered the political mainstream and advanced electorally, to what extent have they moved from their electoral near-confinement among the working class to enjoy broader cross-class support - and how?

Farrelly, N.. "'AK47/M16 Rifle - Rs. 15,000 each': what price peace on the Indo-Burmese frontier?" Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 283.

One of the key tools for achieving India's stated ambition of stopping national fragmentation in the Northeast is the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (1958) (AFSPA). This article assesses Indian Government efforts to manage the parts of the Indo-Burmese borderlands that are subject to this law. It compares the approaches of governments on the Burmese and Indian sides of the frontier and interrogates the financial incentives that complement security policies in their shared borderlands. Economic incentives for ceasefire and disarmament are, I argue, part of a portfolio of pacification and reintegration strategies that are premised on the controlled ambiguities of the borderlands. As such, I argue that the impunities allegedly at the heart of the AFSPA are matched by the freedom of the Indian Government to funnel resources into paying off its enemies. In the Indian case, the wider environment in which the AFSPA is implemented cannot be ignored if a full analysis of its 50 years of operation is to be offered. The implementation of surrender agreements in the ambiguous space of the Indo-Burmese borderlands exemplifies how the Indian Government has prioritised national cohesion above legal, political or economic consistency.

Freeman, S., and A. Berger. "Nebraska Veterans' Preferences for End-of-Life Care." Clinical Journal of Oncology Nursing 13, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 399-403.

More than 1,800 veterans die in a variety of healthcare settings each day, illustrating a need to improve their end-of-life (EOL) care. In 2006, the Nebraska End-of-Life Survey was mailed to 2,713 urban and rural Nebraskan adults' homes; 44 of 324 first-time respondents (14%) were veterans. This article compares survey responses from veterans and nonveterans and discusses four issues: personal desires during the dying process, fear of dying, completion of advance directives, and communication preferences. Compared to nonveterans, veterans were significantly less likely to want friends or family visiting at EOL, less likely to place importance on being at peace spiritually, less afraid of dying alone, more likely to turn to a spouse to initiate EOL conversations, and less trusting of primary physicians on EOL issues. In addition, veterans had higher rates of completion of advance directives. Examining the survey responses can help guide clinical oncology nurses in delivering EOL care to veterans.

Hook, J., E. Worthington, and S. Utsey. "Collectivism, Forgiveness, and Social Harmony." Counseling Psychologist 37, no. 6 (August 1, 2009): 821.

Existing models of forgiveness and the strategies to promote forgiveness that draw from them are predominantly individualistic. As the United States becomes more diverse and counseling psychology becomes a more global field, counseling psychologists are increasingly likely to encounter clients who have a collectivistic worldview. The authors propose a theoretical model that clarifies the relationship between collectivism and forgiveness. The importance of maintaining social harmony in collectivistic cultures is central to this relationship. The model has two propositions. First, collectivistic forgiveness occurs within the broad context of social harmony, reconciliation, and relational repair. Second, collectivistic forgiveness is understood as primarily a decision to forgive but is motivated largely to promote and maintain group harmony rather than inner peace (as is more often the case in individualistically motivated forgiveness). Finally, the authors suggest a research agenda to study collectivistic forgiveness and provide guidelines for addressing forgiveness with collectivistic clients.

Koskenniemi, M.. "Miserable Comforters: International Relations as New Natural Law." European Journal of International Relations 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 395.

In his 'Perpetual Peace', Kant indicts the natural law tradition (Grotius, Pufendorf, Vattel) as 'miserable comforters' whose principles and doctrines 'cannot have the slightest legal force'. The indictment emerges from Kant's critique of natural law in both its empirical and rationalist variants as unable to uphold a really 'binding' notion of cosmopolitan legality. Since the early 1990s a new literature has emerged in the International Relations field that speaks about the effectiveness and legitimacy of international law as a form of supranational 'governance'. This article argues that that literature raises precisely the same problems that Kant detected in early modern natural law. Like the latter, this literature is best seen as an attempt to appropriate the voice of international legality to a fully instrumentalist discipline dedicated to serving the interests of power.

Laouris, Y., A. Erel, M. Michaelides, M. Damdelen, T. Taraszow, I. Dagli, R. Laouri, and A. Christakis. "Exploring Options for Enhancement of Social Dialogue Between the Turkish and Greek Communities in Cyprus Using the Structured Dialogic Design Process." Systemic Practice and Action Research 22, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 361-381.

Insurgency in Northeast India has long been explained as an outcome of poverty and isolation that in turn produces further poverty and militancy. In order to break this cycle and achieve 'peace and prosperity', the Indian Government released North Eastern Region Vision 2020 in July 2008 - a comprehensive policy agenda to achieve 'peace and prosperity' in the Northeast. This is to be realised through deeper economic and political engagement with neighbouring countries and a 'paradigm shift in development strategy' that will be simultaneously more participatory and more infrastructure intensive. This paper argues that in practice the political manifestations of increased regional engagement are contradictory. Each measure designed to break the region's isolation is countered by measures to maintain control of borders, trade, and the movement of people. At the head of this new development vision is a re-visioning of counter-insurgency underpinned by the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958). Far from signalling a new era in the region, the measures contained in this new development vision appear more likely to exacerbate the grievances of people in the region and reinforce the ways the region has been governed through five decades of counter-insurgency.

Mendeloff, D.. "Trauma and Vengeance: Assessing the Psychological and Emotional Effects of Post-Conflict Justice." Human Rights Quarterly 31, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 592-623.

Do war crimes tribunals or truth commissions satisfy victims of war and atrocity and provide psychological relief from war-induced trauma? Do they make victims less vengeful and less likely to engage in or support violent retribution? Or does the experience of post-conflict justice simply reinforce and exacerbate emotional and psychological suffering? Answers to these questions are central to the logic of truth-telling's peace-promoting effects in post-authoritarian and post-war societies. Indeed, one of transitional justice's core arguments is that victims of wartime abuse demand truth and justice. These arguments, however, assume that truth-telling processes, on average, provide psychological and emotional benefits to victims. Some critics have argued, however, that they actually cause more harm than good. Although victims' preferences for truth and justice are well documented, we know considerably less about their actual impact. This article assesses that impact by surveying the extant empirical evidence from prominent cases of transitional justice, as well as research in forensic and clinical psychology. It finds a paltry empirical record that offers little support for claims of either salutary or harmful effects of post-conflict justice. Although there is little evidence that truth-telling in general dramatically harms individuals, the notion that formal truth-telling processes satisfy victims' need for justice, ease their emotional and psychological suffering, and dampen their desire for vengeance, remains highly dubious.

Monshipouri, M.. "Human Rights Matters: Local Politics and National Human Rights Institutions." Review. Human Rights Quarterly 31, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 830-834.

[...] some analysts shifted their attention to a local discourse about ethics and social justice, while attempting to contextualize and interpret human rights within a local context.1 More recently, some scholars have shown how national actors and non-governmental organizations can be instrumental in defending and promoting human rights. A strict adherence to a human rights-based approach may interfere with such desirable goals as national reconciliation and human security in some societies. [...] the argument that "peace over justice" may be the most effective means of reaching a compromise under certain circumstances.24 This difficulty does not reduce the value of the insights presented in this volume; rather, it demonstrates the enormity of the task facing these national human rights institutions.

Peskin, V.. "Caution and Confrontation in the International Criminal Court's Pursuit of Accountability in Uganda and Sudan." Human Rights Quarterly 31, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 655-691.

This article addresses the unfolding pursuit of state cooperation by the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It explains that the prosecutor's recent shift from a cautionary to a confrontational pursuit is due to 1) the failure to persuade states to hand over suspects and 2) the lack of international backing for arrests amid the quest for a negotiated peace to ongoing conflicts. The article focuses on the prosecutor's forceful campaign to apprehend rebel leaders from Uganda and government suspects implicated in atrocities in Darfur, including President Bashir of Sudan.

Price, M.. "End of Television and Foreign Policy." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 625, (September 1, 2009): 196.

The transformation of television has altered the capacity of the state to control the agenda for making war, convening in peace, and otherwise exercising its foreign policy options. In the age of the state gatekeeper, there was at least the illusion (and often the reality) that the government could substantially control the flow of images within its borders. With transformations in television systems, national systems of broadcast regulation have declined, replaced by transnational flows of information where local gatekeepers are not so salient. The rise of satellites with regional footprints and the spread of the Internet give governments the ability to reach over the heads of the state and speak directly to populations. Both receiving and sending states will have foreign policies about the meaning of the right to receive and impart information and the extent to which satellite signals can be regulated or channeled.

Roos, J.. "Women's Rights, Nationalist Anxiety, and the "Moral" Agenda in the Early Weimar Republic: Revisiting the "Black Horror" Campaign against France's African Occupation Troops." Central European History 42, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 473-508.

In the months and years following ratification of the Versailles Treaty, the Allied occupation of the Rhineland became a focal point of German nationalist propaganda. The campaign against the so-called "black shame on the Rhine" (schwarze Schmach am Rhein), a racist slogan referring to the stationing of soldiers from northern Africa, Senegal, and Madagascar in the French zone of occupation, was one of the ugliest outgrowths of German opposition to the peace treaty. Support for the movement against France's African troops was disquietingly broad. An interpellation to the Reich government of May 1920 launched by the Majority Social Democrats (SPD) and endorsed by all parties in the national assembly except the Independent Socialists (USPD) is illustrative of the racist fears motivating "black horror" protests: "Even after the armistice, the French and Belgians continue to use colored troops in the occupied territories. ... For German women and children, men and boys, these savages pose a horrifying danger. Their honor, health and life, purity and innocence are being destroyed. ... This situation is disgraceful, humiliating, and insufferable!"

Scanlon, S.. "The Conservative Lobby and Nixon's "Peace with Honor" in Vietnam." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (August 1, 2009): 255-276.

This essay explores the responses of conservative political activists to the Nixon administration's policy of "peace with honor" in Vietnam. Conservatives sought to influence the administration by acceptance of Vietnamization, a policy they interpreted as affording a more conventional prosecution of the war, and by pushing for increased aerial bombardment of North Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Divisions over the efficacy of détente derailed a unified conservative position on Vietnam and forced reassessments of the legitimacy of Nixon's promise of "peace with honor." While highlighting the basic premises of conservative foreign policy during the late 1960s, this essay explores the means by which conservative leaders attempted to forge consensus regarding the Vietnam War and the impact of increased political power on the conservative movement's foreign-policy priorities.

Sandole, D.. "Turkey's unique role in nipping in the bud the 'clash of civilizations'." International Politics 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 636-655.

[...] with the resignation of the Maoist cabinet, after only 9 months in power, and the ensuing impasse in forming a coalition government led by the new Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, it remains to be seen if promoting public health will still be a priority. Since the cessation of the civil war in 2006, Nepal has seen a large influx of development aid, with around US$700 million committed for fiscal year 2008-09-a substantial proportion of its $3 billion budget according to the Ministry of Finance.

Waghid, Y.. "Patriotism and Democratic Citizenship Education in South Africa: On the (im) possibility of reconciliation and nation building." Educational Philosophy and Theory 41, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 399-409.

In this article, I shall evaluate critically the democratic citizenship education project in South Africa to ascertain whether the patriotic sentiments expressed in the Manifesto on Values, Education and Democracy (2001) are in conflict with the achievement of reconciliation and nation building (specifically peace and friendship) after decades of apartheid rule. My first argument is that, although it seems as if the teaching of patriotism through the Department of Education's democratic citizenship agenda in South African schools is a laudable initiative that can contribute toward establishing a definitive break with our apartheid past, the expression of blind patriotic sentiments (such as pledging allegiance to one's country and its citizens only) as articulated in the Manifesto can potentially marginalise others (immigrant communities) as the country endeavours to build its fledgling democracy. My second argument is that the intended democratic form of patriotism of the Department of Education can possibly be undermined by cultivating a culture of 'safe expression', which could slow down the country's quest for reconciliation and nation building.

Yurita, M., and R. Dornan. "Hiroshima: Whose Story Is It?" Children's Literature Association Quarterly 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 229-240.

[...] people who found boats to escape the fire were soon pelted by a tar-like black rain that was contaminated by radioactive ash. [...] Sadako reached the age of ten in 1954, radiation from that rain seemed to have little effect on her, but then she was surprised to learn she had malignant acute bone marrow leukemia.

Zunes, S.. "Peace or Pax Americana? US Middle East policy and the threat to global security." International Politics: Special Issue: The Islamic World Between Europe and the 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 573-595.

This paper examines US policy in the greater Middle Eastern region in the aftermath of the September 2001 al-Qaida attacks on the United States. The paper argues that the US Administration had engaged in a series of policy initiatives which have posed a direct challenge to the post-World War II international legal order. The doctrine of preventative war, the invasion and occupation of Iraq, threats against Iran, the aggressive counter-insurgency operations and air campaigns in Afghanistan, the backing for some of the more militaristic and expansionist elements in Israel, and related policies have served to alienate the United States from Middle Eastern states and even traditional European and Asian allies whose cooperation is needed in the struggle against international terrorism. The overemphasis on military means to address complex political, social and economic problems in Iraq, Lebanon and Iran has emboldened extremists and weakened moderate voices and have resulted in a more anarchic international order which makes legitimate counter-terrorism efforts all the more difficult.

Week of August 14-August 20, 2009 (Focus on International Relations):

Anonymous, . "Muslim-American Activism." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 53-56.

Anonymous, . "The Peace Process and Palestinian Refugee Claims: Addressing Claims for Property Compensation and Restitution." Negotiation Journal 25, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 408-409.

Baumgartner, F.. "Mazarin's Quest: The Congress of Westphalia and the Coming of the Fronde." Review. The Journal of Military History 73, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 941-942. Baumgartner reviews Mazarin's Quest: The Congress of Westphalia and the Coming of the Fronde by Paul Sonnino.

Brownfeld, A.. "Will American Jewish Leaders Embrace the Netanyahu-Lieberman Regime?" The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 49-50.

How will the U.S. government - and the leaders of established American Jewish organizations - respond to Mr. Netanyahu's failure to accept Palestinian statehood, which in the past decade has been the anchor of U.S. policy in the region, and which most American Jewish groups have supported? First Egypt, then Jordan rescinded that doctrine.

Cochrane, F., B. Baser, and A. Swain. "Home Thoughts from Abroad: Diasporas and Peace-Building in Northern Ireland and Sri Lanka." Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 32, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 681.

This article looks at the dynamics of Diaspora groups as a possible catalyst for peace-building within violent segmented societies. With the help of two case studies, Irish-America's role in Northern Ireland and Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora's role in Sri Lanka, it locates the variable impacts of Diaspora involvement in violent conflicts within their homelands. Despite their unique histories and individual complexity, both of these cases illustrate that Diasporas have a significant role to play in peace-building, are diverse rather than homogenous communities, and that they represent an important and often underutilized resource to bring negotiated settlement to violent conflicts.

Cunliffe, P.. "The Politics of Global Governance in UN Peacekeeping." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 323.
This article examines the allocation of roles and responsibilities in the construction of UN peacekeeping. The case is made that decision making in UN peacekeeping is not only fragmented between various states and institutional actors, but also critically lopsided, with an uneven distribution of responsibilities and the majority of political, military and strategic risks falling upon those countries least able to bear them - poor and weak states. States that hold decision-making power are not the states that have to implement those decisions. The article concludes by arguing that this governance structure is not a symptom of organizational dysfunction, but that it serves a political function by allowing influence to be wielded without risk.

Franke, V., and A. Warnecke. "Building peace: an inventory of UN Peace Missions since the end of the Cold War." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 407.

After a brief introduction, this contribution comprises a tabular inventory of the 69 UN peace missions since the end of the Cold War. It highlights the structural features of each mission, the background to crisis and the mission's contributions to security, socio-economic well-being, governance, justice and reconciliation.

Gizelis, T.. "Gender Empowerment and United Nations Peacebuilding." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 505.

Previous studies have suggested that societies where women have higher social and economic status and greater political representation are less likely to become involved in conflict. In this article, the author argues that the prospects for successful post-conflict peacebuilding under the auspices of the United Nations (UN) are generally better in societies where women have greater levels of empowerment. Women's status in a society reflects the existence of multiple social networks and domestic capacity not captured by purely economic measures of development such as GDP per capita. In societies where women have relatively higher status, women have more opportunities to express a voice in the peacemaking process and to elicit broader domestic participation in externally led peacekeeping operations. This higher level of participation in turn implies that UN Peacekeeping operations can tap into great social capital and have better prospects for success. An empirical analysis of post-conflict cases with a high risk of conflict recurrence shows that UN peacekeeping operations have been significantly more effective in societies in which women have relatively higher status. By contrast, UN peacekeeping operations in countries where women have comparatively lower social status are much less likely to succeed.

Höglund, K., and I. Svensson. "Mediating between tigers and lions: Norwegian peace diplomacy in Sri Lanka's civil war." Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 175.

Sri Lanka has suffered from one of Asia's most intractable civil wars, and is remarkably resistant to resolution. The peace process was initiated with a ceasefire between the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Sri Lankan Government in 2002. This article explores the implications of the Norwegian mediation on this process. We argue that Norway's aspiration to promote an image of being a global peacemaker and the consent from regional and global powers are important in explaining why Norway became involved. Moreover, the Norwegian mediation approach - based on impartiality, ownership by the two main parties, and internationalization - has had consequences for how the process has unfolded. For instance, it influenced the potential leverage of Norway and conceptions about bias. This article contributes to an understanding of how regional and global processes, as well as mediator characteristics and approaches, influence the dynamics of civil war termination.

Hallward, M.. "Creative Responses to Separation: Israeli and Palestinian Joint Activism in Bil'in." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 541.

This article examines creative ways in which Israeli and Palestinian activists engage with each other and the powers seeking to separate them in their nonviolent struggles for a just and lasting peace. Using the geopolitical theory of territoriality, the article briefly examines a number of administrative, physical, and psychological barriers facing joint activism and the strategies activists use to counteract them. Drawing on nonviolent theory and practice, the article analyzes how activists exert power through the creative use of symbols and practices that undermine the legitimacy of occupation policies. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2004-05 and July 2006, the article explores the implications of this activism on conceptions of identity, and strategies for restarting a moribund peace process. The relative 'success' of sustained joint action in Bil'in can provide scholars and policymakers with innovative approaches for addressing some of the outstanding issues needing to be addressed by official negotiators. Although government bodies are more constrained than activists, the imaginative means of engaging with the system--and the reframing of issues through the redeployment of 'commonplaces'--can perhaps provide inspiration, if not leverage, for thinking outside of the box.

Jensehaugen, J.. "Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace." Review. Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 605. Jensehaugen reviews Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace by Avi Shlaim.

Joyce, A.. "Editor’s Note." Middle East Policy 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): III,IV.

As it redesigns U.S. policy toward Russia, the Obama administration really does need to turn a page rather than simply tinker at the edges. This means setting far more ambitious goals for the U.S.-Russian relationship and devising a strategy to reach them. It means starting a comprehensive strategic dialogue.

Lowicki-Zucca, M., S. Karmin, and K. Dehne. "HIV among Peacekeepers and its Likely Impact on Prevalence on Host Countries' HIV Epidemics." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 352.

Concerns have been expressed with regard to the public health impact of HIV-positive peacekeepers in the countries in which they serve. This article tests three common contentions: (1) that troop contributing countries have higher prevalence than that of the host country; (2) that HIV prevalence of the peacekeeping mission is higher than that of the host country; and (3) that peacekeepers have a large public health impact on the HIV epidemics of the host countries. Using 2008 prevalence data as well as mission information from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, this article argues against these notions.

Magnani, E.. "United Nations Interventionism 1991-2004." Review. The Journal of Military History 73, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 1027-1028. Magnani reviews United Nations Interventionism 1991-2004 edited by Mats Berdal and Spyros Economides.

Maoz, I., and C. McCauley. "Threat Perceptions and Feelings as Predictors of Jewish-Israeli Support for Compromise with Palestinians." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 525.

A representative sample of Israeli Jews completed a survey assessing attitudes towards compromise in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Support for compromise was well predicted by a combination of four scales: perception of collective threat from Palestinians, perception of zero-sum relations between Palestinians and Israelis, personal fear of Palestinians, and sympathy towards Palestinians. Feelings of hostility towards Palestinians did not make an independent contribution to this prediction. As hypothesized, respondents who perceived high collective threat and zero-sum relations were much less supportive of making concessions to Palestinians. However, respondents who indicated feeling personal fear were in regression analysis slightly more supportive of compromise. Sympathy toward Palestinians was associated with more support for compromise. Additionally, religiosity was strongly associated with decreased support for compromise. However, entering threat perceptions and sympathy into the equation substantially reduced the predictive value of religiosity, indicating that psychological mechanisms underlie, at least in part, the tendency of more religious respondents to show less support for making concessions to Palestinians.

Masood, E.. "The globe's green avenger." Nature 460, no. 7254 (July 23, 2009): 454-455.

Born into poverty in the Canadian town of Oak Lake, Manitoba, at the start of the Great Depression, he writes in his autobiography Where on Earth are We Going? that his childhood dream was to devote his life to the protection of nature and to work for world peace, having lived through the Second World War and seen its effects on humans and on the environment. There is no point to an agreement, he says, unless it has "binding real penalties, fines and trade bans that are designed to make agreements enforceable", rather like what happens in the World Trade Organization or the International Atomic Energy Agency.\n It has taken nearly four decades for a potential solution to emerge.

Overy, R.. "Parting with Pacifism." History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 23-29.

The obvious explanation lies in the perceived threat of German expansion and no doubt this did convince an unquantifiable number of anti-war supporters to reverse their commitment once it was clear that negotiation or appeasement had failed following the German occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939. The more pacifist National Peace Council, the umbrella organisation for a whole number of pacifist and anti-war groups, also accepted that war should not be opposed as such and confined its activities to promoting the idea of a negotiated peace and a better world order to follow.

Peskin, V.. "Caution and Confrontation in the International Criminal Court's Pursuit of Accountability in Uganda and Sudan." Human Rights Quarterly 31, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 655-691.

This article addresses the unfolding pursuit of state cooperation by the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It explains that the prosecutor's recent shift from a cautionary to a confrontational pursuit is due to 1) the failure to persuade states to hand over suspects and 2) the lack of international backing for arrests amid the quest for a negotiated peace to ongoing conflicts. The article focuses on the prosecutor's forceful campaign to apprehend rebel leaders from Uganda and government suspects implicated in atrocities in Darfur, including President Bashir of Sudan.

Rodao, F.. "Japan and the Axis, 1937-8: Recognition of the Franco Regime and Manchukuo." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 431.

After just one year of the Spanish Civil War, the Marco Polo Bridge Incident led to the Sino-Japanese War, both conflicts remaining for two years as daily reminders of the world conflicts of the time. This article attempts to emphasize the importance of the coincidence in time of those conflicts in delimiting each bloc, especially through a decision that was particularly divisive for the Japanese government, such as recognition of Franco's rebel government after the outbreak of the war in China. Efforts by Japanese Foreign Minister Hirota Koki to avoid a decision that would further Japan's pro-Axis drift show the lines of division in the government. His maneuvers progressively failed, including the November 1937 proposal for negotiations to include the recognition of Manchukuo, accepted first by Franco's Spain, later by Italy and finally by the Germans. The article emphasizes the role of Italy in Asia, the reasons for Spanish actions, and the aims of other key persons in this period, such as Prime Minister Konoe, the postwar leader Yoshida Shigeru, or Ishihara Kanji, the officer who masterminded the 1931 invasion of Manchuria.

Scarlett, M.. "Imagining a World beyond Genocide: Teaching about Transitional Justice." The Social Studies 100, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 169-176.

The study of the ways in which societies emerging from violent conflict and repressive regimes achieve peace and reconciliation through forms of transitional justice, such as truth commissions, tribunals, systems of reparations, and memorialization of the past, offers an opportunity for secondary social studies teachers to address issues of human rights in a positive and humanizing way. In this article, the author provides a rationale for including the study of transitional justice in the secondary social studies curriculum along with suggestions for teaching it. He argues that the study of transitional justice presents opportunities for students to become morally inclusive in their thinking, engage in global democratic citizenship, and study critically important current events unfolding in their world.

Stanley, E.. "Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace." International Security 34, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 42.

Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms- domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war-are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become "stuck" and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States, China, and the Soviet Union during the Korean War illustrate the dynamics of these obstacles and the need for domestic coalition shifts in overcoming them before the conflict could be brought to an end.

Tripodi, C.. ""Good for one but not the other"; The "Sandeman System" of Pacification as Applied to Baluchistan and the North-West Frontier, 1877-1947(1)." The Journal of Military History 73, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 767-802.

This article examines the long-running debate over the application of the "Sandeman System" of pacification to the North-West Frontier of British India in 1877-1947. Colonel Sir Robert Sandeman's innovative doctrine of tribal administration had enabled the peaceful spread of British influence across Baluchistan during the late nineteenth century, yet the Government of India subsequently declared his methods inapplicable to the neighboring and perennially turbulent North-West Frontier. This essay seeks to provide a fuller understanding of the reasoning behind the policymakers' opposition to Sandeman's techniques and thus provide clarification of a debate that bedeviled British Frontier policy for over six decades.

Velázquez, A.. "Different Paths and Divergent Policies in the UN Security System: Brazil and Mexico in Comparative Perspective." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 364.

How can we explain foreign policy variation among UN member states? Brazil and Mexico are the most likely cases for international primacy in the UN system, given their territorial dimension, demographic tendencies, economic importance, geopolitical location and relative weight in Latin America. Yet, despite their structural similarities, their policies and behaviour in the UN system have varied, both in terms of engagement with the Security Council and commitment regarding peacekeeping. By comparing two of Latin America's most influential countries, this study identifies the underlying conditions and mechanisms that explain their differences in behaviour and policy in the UN. In particular, this article analyses and contrasts how geopolitics and civil-military relations in Brazil and Mexico affect their incentives to participate in international organizations and their overall international commitment to peace.

Wilén, N.. "Capacity-building or Capacity-taking? Legitimizing Concepts in Peace and Development Operations." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 337.

This article critically analyses capacity-building and local ownership in the context of UN peace operations through interviews with UN staff and NGO representatives in Liberia and Burundi. The argument is that these concepts are left ambiguous and undefined to avoid accountability for peace operations while still functioning as value-adding and legitimizing discursive instruments for the latter. This article proves that the many paradoxes and contradictions surrounding the concepts clearly deter their operation in practice, while their positive connotations remain important, discursively, as legitimizing tools.

Williams, I.. "Nationhood: Ties that Bind, or Free?" World Policy Journal 26, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 123.

Williams talks about the importance of "nationhood," specifically depicting UN's mediation in these events. He highlights here Kosovo's first anniversary of freedom on Feb 2009 and its critical step toward international recognition of its status as a truly self-governing, self-reliant nation. According to him, these defining moments impel reflection on the question of what independence, sovereignty, and citizenship really mean in today's globalized world.

Wittman, D.. "Bargaining in the Shadow of War: When Is a Peaceful Resolution Most Likely?" American Journal of Political Science 53, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 588-602.

This article derives the optimal bargaining strategies of the belligerents when each side has private but incomplete information about the expected outcome of a war, should it take place. I show that the aggressor's demand curve can be below the defender's offer curve, that wars are possible even when both sides are jointly pessimistic, and that the relative cost of a war can radically alter the types of disputes that end in war. A simple diagram provides the intuition for most of the major propositions.

Week of August 6-August 13, 2009 (Focus on International Relations):

Zunes, S.. "Peace or Pax Americana? US Middle East policy and the threat to global security." International Politics: Special Issue: The Islamic World Between Europe and the 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 573-595.

Hook, J., E. Worthington, and S. Utsey. "Collectivism, Forgiveness, and Social Harmony." Counseling Psychologist 37, no. 6 (August 1, 2009): 821.

Other institutions are also taking note of the possible shifts and are responding. [...] the recent and quite remarkable European Court of Justice ("ECJ") ruling that, the Charter notwithstanding, the Security Council's resolutions under its binding power are not binding after all and subject to the rulings of institutions such as the ECJ itself.62 One may safely expect that a Security Council more driven by competitive Great Power politics will generate more, and more insistent, legal reconstructions from without, aimed at showing that the Security Council does not have the final juridical word in international peace and security, after all.

Anonymous. "Middle East Peace and Unpleasant Listening." Dialog 48, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 113-115.

Anonymous. "Nanomaterials Risks and Benefits (NATO Science for Peace and Security Studies)." Review. Risk Analysis 29, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1192-1195.

Anonymous. "The Green Zones." Foreign Policy no. 173 (July 1, 2009): 88.

In the cool air-conditioning of the Silverbird Galleria mall in Lagos, Nigeria, it is hard to remember that you are in the 15th-most failed state in the world. The chic coffee shops and designer clothes oddly befit Africa's newest financial hub, where business suits and talk of the latest market returns are ubiquitous. Many such countries have shining capital cities or thriving commercial centers, while festering pockets of instability lurk elsewhere. Somaliland, since declaring autonomy in 1991, has held elections, created a functioning government, and carved out a semblance of peace in a country where anarchy reigns. On the other hand, Sudan is expecting to construct 11,000 luxury apartments and villas before 2013 for the growing ranks of the wealthy.

Anonymous. "What's so funny about peace, love and understanding?" Nature Genetics 41, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 861.

There was much to appreciate at this superb meeting, but in particular, the major research areas illuminated by complementary studies of multiple populations were deafness (Hammadi Ayadi, Mustafa Tekin), cancer (Koulis Yannoukakos, Ephrat Levy-Lahad, Mary-Claire King), neurodevelopmental and neurodegenerative diseases (Murat Gunel, Matthew State, Lefkos Middleton) and developmental disorders (Dian Donnai, Han Brunner, Andre Mégarbané, Nurten Akarsu, Aslihan Tolun). Among these tools are a clinical interface for rare diseases (Orphanet, http://www.orpha.net/), an EU network of excellence dedicated to harmonizing genetic testing services (EuroGentest, http://www.eurogentest.org/) and the regular genetic medicine courses organized by the European Genetics Foundation (http://www.eurogene.org/) that are available to be taken in person or over internet links.

Bachrach, D.. "War and Peace in Ancient and Medieval History - Edited by Philip de Souza and John France." Early Medieval Europe 17, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 361-362.
Cavendish, R.. "AUG 1 1259: An Anglo-Welsh truce renewed." History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 11.

Welsh independence in the 13th century did not mean separation from England - substantial areas were controlled by English barons - but the preservation of Welsh culture and local self-government in the Welsh heartland, with a native prince topping the feudal pyramid. Edward invaded Wales with overwhelm- ing force and in 1277 Liywelyn was made to accept an ignomin- ious peace treaty and a large fine (which Edward later waived) He was allowed to keep the homage of only five insignifi- cant Welsh lords and, though he retained his Prince of Wales tille, U was now meaningless.

Cronfalk, B., P. Strang, and B. Ternestedt. "Inner power, physical strength and existential well-being in daily life: relatives' experiences of receiving soft tissue massage in palliative home care." Journal of Clinical Nursing 18, no. 15 (August 1, 2009): 2225.

Soft tissue massage gave the relatives' feelings of 'being cared for', 'body vitality' and 'peace of mind'. For a while, they put worries of daily life aside as they just experienced 'being'. During massage, it became apparent that body and mind is constituted of an indestructible completeness. The overarching theme was 'inner power, physical strength and existential well-being in their daily lives'. All relatives experienced soft tissue massage positively, although they were under considerable stress. Soft tissue massage could be an option to comfort and support relatives in palliative home care. In palliative nursing care, soft tissue massage could present a worthy supplement in supporting caring relatives.

Evans, M.. "Moral Responsibilities and the Conflicting Demands of Jus Post Bellum." Ethics & International Affairs 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 147-164,89.

Brian Orend's influential version of jus post bellum exemplifies this formulation, focusing upon just peace terms and just compensation or reparations, with deeper involvement in a justly occupied state permitted only when what he cans "rehabilitation" is desirable.6 It is a restricted conception because (i) it is largely confined to matters of the ending and immediate aftermath of a just war; and (2) it focuses on the rights of just combatants, whereas their responsibilities are apparently...

Hollywood, A.. "Saint Paul and the New Man." Critical Inquiry 35, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 865.

According to many passages in the Hebrew Bible and in postbiblical Jewish literature, when God establishes his kingdom, Gentiles will come to Israel to worship him. In one of the most famous of these passages, the eighth-century Isaiah looks forward to a time of universal salvation and peace. Here, Hollywood emphasizes that this promise and ones like it provide the context in which Paul and other early followers of Christ believed that Christ and his message were meant not only for Jews but also for Gentiles.

Horner, D.. "S. Korean Pyroprocessing Awaits U.S. Decision." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 33-34.

In a rare public statement on the issue in May 2008 at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, Carter "Buzz" Savage, director of fuel cycle research and development in the Department of Energy, said pyroprocessing "obviously" is reprocessing if one carries out "the full flow sheet," the sequence of activities followed in the process. Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.), the Foreign Relations Committee's ranking member, appeared to be seeking information on that point when he posed a written question to Rep. Ellen Tauscher (D-Calif.), as part of her confirmation process to be undersecretary of state for arms control and international security (see page 37).

House, J.. "The U.S. Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning, and Crisis Management, June 1987-December 1989." Review. History 37, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 145-146.
The Goldwater- Nichols Act of 1986 was intended to reduce misunderstandings and increase the integration of the military services, but Panama came to a head before that act was fully implemented. [...] Woerner and Thurman had to deal with a host of issues involving friction between the services.

Legvold, R.. "The Russia File." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 78-0_7.

As it redesigns U.S. policy toward Russia, the Obama administration really does need to turn a page rather than simply tinker at the edges. This means setting far more ambitious goals for the U.S.-Russian relationship and devising a strategy to reach them. It means starting a comprehensive strategic dialogue.

Mirra, H.. "Project Statement." Critical Inquiry 35, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 1019.

Mirra shares that for a few years she had been writing indexes, attempting to turn the form into a kind of poetry. Here, she features her newest project, where she wrote indexes for two books by authors closely connected to the histories of the University of Chicago and the city of Chicago: John Dewey's Experience and Nature (1925) and Jane Addams's Newer Ideals of Peace (1907). According to her, both writers were motivated by a progressive, politically committed community engagement, and they each realized far-reaching experiments coordinating various forms of knowledge.

Overy, R.. "Parting with Pacifism." History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 23-29.

The obvious explanation lies in the perceived threat of German expansion and no doubt this did convince an unquantifiable number of anti-war supporters to reverse their commitment once it was clear that negotiation or appeasement had failed following the German occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939. The more pacifist National Peace Council, the umbrella organisation for a whole number of pacifist and anti-war groups, also accepted that war should not be opposed as such and confined its activities to promoting the idea of a negotiated peace and a better world order to follow.

Rahman, S., P. Junankar, and G. Mallik. "Factors influencing women's empowerment on microcredit borrowers: a case study in Bangladesh." Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy 14, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 287.

Women's empowerment in relation to microcredit programmes is a prominent issue in the literature of microcredit. Not only the founder of the Grameen Bank is awarded the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize on the microcredit programme of Bangladesh but it has also been a topic of great interest to researchers since its introduction in mid-1970s. This study views women's empowerment from an emancipation perspective. The study uses quasi-experimental approach to compare women's empowerment between microcredit borrowers and non-borrowers. Using control-group method (non-borrowers from non-programme villages), this study identifies factors that influence women's empowerment. It also examines the impact on women's empowerment of borrowers having different levels of income. Results show that non-borrowers are equally empowered as microcredit borrowers. It has also been found that age and education levels of women are significant factors in such an empowerment.

Scalion, S.. "The Conservative Lobby and Nixon's "Peace with Honor" in Vietnam." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (August 1, 2009): 255-276.

This essay explores the responses of conservative political activists to the Nixon administration's policy of "peace with honor" in Vietnam. Conservatives sought to influence the administration by acceptance of Vietnamization, a policy they interpreted as affording a more conventional prosecution of the war, and by pushing for increased aerial bombardment of North Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Divisions over the efficacy of détente derailed a unified conservative position on Vietnam and forced reassessments of the legitimacy of Nixon's promise of "peace with honor." While highlighting the basic premises of conservative foreign policy during the late 1960s, this essay explores the means by which conservative leaders attempted to forge consensus regarding the Vietnam War and the impact of increased political power on the conservative movement's foreign-policy priorities.

Sabl, A.. "The Last Artificial Virtue: Hume on Toleration and Its Lessons." Political Theory 37, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 511.

David flume's position on religion is, broadly speaking, "politic": instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading flume's position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume's other "artificial virtues" (justice, fidelity to promises, allegiance to government), is a universally useful response to our universal partiality--as Established uniformity, however tempting, is not. This implies that toleration can progress through political learning, becoming broader and more constitutionally established overtime. A sophisticated Humean approach thus shares the stability and nonnative attractiveness of respect- or rights- based arguments while responding more acutely and flexibly to problems the former often slights: antinomian religious extremism; underdefined political agency; and internationalized, politicized religious movements.

Sandole, D.. "Turkey's unique role in nipping in the bud the 'clash of civilizations'." International Politics 46, no. 5 (September 1, 2009): 636-655.

The first section opens with Jussi Hanhimäki's essay, which makes clear that Nixon began his administration with a vision of creating a "structure of peace" through a "grand design" for American foreign policy, a realist design that would emphasize American national interests with a "healthy" sense of the "limits of American power" (42). Thomas Zeiler's discussion of Nixon's tough tactics toward Japan on economic issues acknowledges the domestic politics involved but gives Nixon credit for recognizing the future trends of the world economy and America's new position within it.

Stanley, E.. "Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace." International Security 34, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 42.

Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms- domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war-are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become "stuck" and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States, China, and the Soviet Union during the Korean War illustrate the dynamics of these obstacles and the need for domestic coalition shifts in overcoming them before the conflict could be brought to an end.

Waghid, Y.. "Patriotism and Democratic Citizenship Education in South Africa: On the (im) possibility of reconciliation and nation building." Educational Philosophy and Theory 41, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 399-409.

In this article, I shall evaluate critically the democratic citizenship education project in South Africa to ascertain whether the patriotic sentiments expressed in the Manifesto on Values, Education and Democracy (2001) are in conflict with the achievement of reconciliation and nation building (specifically peace and friendship) after decades of apartheid rule. My first argument is that, although it seems as if the teaching of patriotism through the Department of Education's democratic citizenship agenda in South African schools is a laudable initiative that can contribute toward establishing a definitive break with our apartheid past, the expression of blind patriotic sentiments (such as pledging allegiance to one's country and its citizens only) as articulated in the Manifesto can potentially marginalise others (immigrant communities) as the country endeavours to build its fledgling democracy. My second argument is that the intended democratic form of patriotism of the Department of Education can possibly be undermined by cultivating a culture of 'safe expression', which could slow down the country's quest for reconciliation and nation building.

Whitehead, D.. "Teacher, Where Are You?" Childhood Education 85, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 242B.

The Quest for Power and the Search for Peace, author Sean Kay points out that teacher absenteeism is a growing problem that, ultimately, can even contribute to upsetting the delicate balance of global security. The growing teacher shortage around the world makes it vital to guarantee that individuals who have already made an earnest commitment to the profession of educating children remain present and available.

Wilson, P.. "Who Won the Thirty Years’ War?" History Today 59, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 12-19.

Dame Veronica Wedgwood concluded her celebrated account of the Thirty Years War, first published in 1938, by claiming it 'solved no problem' and was 'the outstanding example in European history of meaningless conflict.' The voting procedure in the imperial diet and other institutions was changed to protect Protestants from the in-built Catholic majority where the agenda touched matters of religion.

Yanez, B., D. Edmondson, A. Stanton, C. Park, L. Kwan, P. Ganz, and T. Blank. "Facets of Spirituality as Predictors of Adjustment to Cancer: Relative Contributions of Having Faith and Finding Meaning." Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 77, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 730.

Spirituality is a multidimensional construct, and little is known about how its distinct dimensions jointly affect well-being. In longitudinal studies (Study 1, n = 418 breast cancer patients; Study 2, n = 165 cancer survivors), the authors examined 2 components of spiritual well-being (i.e., meaning/peace and faith) and their interaction, as well as change scores on those variables, as predictors of psychological adjustment. In Study 1, higher baseline meaning/peace, as well as an increase in meaning/peace over 6 months, predicted a decline in depressive symptoms and an increase in vitality across 12 months in breast cancer patients. Baseline faith predicted an increase in perceived cancer-related growth. Study 2 revealed that an increase in meaning/peace was related to improved mental health and lower cancer-related distress. An increase in faith was related to increased cancer-related growth. Both studies revealed significant interactions between meaning/peace and faith in predicting adjustment. Findings suggest that the ability to find meaning and peace in life is the more influential contributor to favorable adjustment during cancer survivorship, although faith appears to be uniquely related to perceived cancer-related growth.

Anonymous, . "Muslim-American Activism." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 53-56.

Anonymous, . "The Peace Process and Palestinian Refugee Claims: Addressing Claims for Property Compensation and Restitution." Negotiation Journal 25, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 408-409.

This article examines creative ways in which Israeli and Palestinian activists engage with each other and the powers seeking to separate them in their nonviolent struggles for a just and lasting peace. Using the geopolitical theory of territoriality, the article briefly examines a number of administrative, physical, and psychological barriers facing joint activism and the strategies activists use to counteract them. Drawing on nonviolent theory and practice, the article analyzes how activists exert power through the creative use of symbols and practices that undermine the legitimacy of occupation policies. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2004-05 and July 2006, the article explores the implications of this activism on conceptions of identity, and strategies for restarting a moribund peace process. The relative 'success' of sustained joint action in Bil'in can provide scholars and policymakers with innovative approaches for addressing some of the outstanding issues needing to be addressed by official negotiators. Although government bodies are more constrained than activists, the imaginative means of engaging with the system--and the reframing of issues through the redeployment of 'commonplaces'--can perhaps provide inspiration, if not leverage, for thinking outside of the box.

Jensehaugen, J.. "Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace." Review. Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 605. Jensehaugen reviews Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace by Avi Shlaim.

Joyce, A.. "Editor’s Note." Middle East Policy 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): III,IV.

This article addresses the unfolding pursuit of state cooperation by the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It explains that the prosecutor's recent shift from a cautionary to a confrontational pursuit is due to 1) the failure to persuade states to hand over suspects and 2) the lack of international backing for arrests amid the quest for a negotiated peace to ongoing conflicts. The article focuses on the prosecutor's forceful campaign to apprehend rebel leaders from Uganda and government suspects implicated in atrocities in Darfur, including President Bashir of Sudan.

Rodao, F.. "Japan and the Axis, 1937-8: Recognition of the Franco Regime and Manchukuo." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 431.

Wilén, N.. "Capacity-building or Capacity-taking? Legitimizing Concepts in Peace and Development Operations." International Peacekeeping 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 337.

Week of July 30-August 6, 2009 (Focus on International Relations):

Abebe, D.. "Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law." Chicago Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 125-141.

The executive must account for the interests of competing great powers and internalize the costs that those competing great powers could impose. [...] extant internal constraints from foreign relations law are supported by the strength of external constraints from great power politics. [...] it might be preferable for courts to engage in an explicit discussion of international politics as they resolve some foreign relations law questions.

Stephan, P.. "Symmetry and Selectivity: What Happens in International Law When the World Changes." Chicago Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 91-123.

Develops an informal model of asymmetry in interstate relations that assumes rational state actors and iterative interactions among these actors. [...] changes in the structure of international relations have a clearly observable effect on international law.

Frost, M.. "Ethical Competence in International Relations." Ethics & International Affairs 23, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 91-100,89.

In August 2008, Georgian troops attacked and occupied South Ossetia. The action was presented by Georgia in ethical language - not as a grab for power, but as an ethically justifiable response by the government of a sovereign state to prior attempts by South Ossetia to use military force to expel Georgians from the territory. This attempt at forcible removal, the Georgian claim went, was made with a view to subsequent secession by South Ossetia.

Åslund, A.. "Ukraine's Financial Crisis, 2009." Eurasian Geogphy and Economics 50, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 371.

A prominent specialist in the economic affairs of the former Soviet Union relates and analyzes the state of Ukraine's economy in light of a series of discussions and interviews with the country's Prime Minister and leading economic officials in Kyiv in 2008 and April 2009. The author, a former economic advisor to the country's government and co-chair of the UN's Blue Ribbon Commission for Ukraine, devotes this paper to a penetrating analysis of the impact of the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 on Ukraine's budget, banks, exchange rates, money supply, industrial sectors (particularly energy and steel), GDP, and inflationary pressures. Due attention is given to economic relations with the EU and Russia as well as to financial assistance from the IMF.

Andres, A.. "Colonial Crisis and Spanish Diplomacy in the Caribbean During the Sexenio Revolucionario, 1868-1874." Bulletin of Latin American Research 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 325-342.

During the nineteenth century, the Caribbean was the stage for a complex geopolitical confrontation involving the United States, Spain, Great Britain, and France. The precarious balance of powers in that region was upset by the outbreak of the Cuban crisis in 1868 and by the dawn of the period of severe instability in Spain following the overthrow of Isabel II and the onset of the reformist period characterised by the Sexenio Revolucionario. The Cuban crisis strongly constrained the foreign policy of the new regime in Spain and turned the Caribbean Basin into a zone of vital interest for Spanish diplomacy.

Buckel, S., and A. Fischer-Lescano. "Gramsci Reconsidered: Hegemony in Global Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 437-454.

This article focuses on Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory. Hegemony, for Gramsci, is a particular way of living and thinking, a Weltanschauung (world-view), on which the preferences, taste, morality, ethics, and philosophical principles of the majority are based. Social struggles are transformed into legal ones in the course of processes in which juridical intellectuals are organizing hegemony under the special conditions of the legal system. We try to use this concept to contrast it with the prevailing readings of hegemony in international relations and in international law. 'Hegemonic law', we argue, is not the law of any superpower, but an asymmetric consensus which relies on a climate of world-society-wide recognition. The concrete form of hegemonic law under particular social conditions depends on the 'historical bloc', in which it is coupled with other social praxes. In the post-Westphalian system the historical bloc is fragmented into transnational and colliding legal regimes and law-generating processes in civil society.

Buzzini, G.. "Lights and Shadows of Immunities and Inviolability of State Officials in International Law: Some Comments on the Djibouti v. France Case." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 455-483.

This article examines the reasoning and findings of the International Court of Justice in its judgment in Djibouti v. France on issues pertaining to the immunities and inviolability of state officials. While recognizing the Court's contribution to the clarification of certain aspects of the legal regime of the immunities and inviolability of state officials, the article emphasizes a number of points on which a clear response cannot be found in the judgment. Moreover, some concerns or doubts are raised about the way in which the Court dealt with certain issues regarding, in particular, the classification of immunities, their scope, their implementation, and the acts precluded by their operation. The Court's judgment clearly shows the complexities surrounding the legal treatment of numerous aspects of a topic which continues to be of the highest importance and sensitivity in international law and international relations.

Berik, G., Y. Rodgers, and S. Seguino. "Feminist Economics of Inequality, Development, and Growth." Feminist Economics 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 1.

This study examines connections between intergroup inequality and macroeconomic outcomes, considering various channels through which gender, growth, and development interact. It upholds the salience not only of equality in opportunities but also equality in outcomes. The contribution argues that inequalities based on gender, race, ethnicity, and class undermine the ability to provision and expand capabilities, and it examines the macroeconomic policies that are likely to promote broadly shared development. It explores how the macroeconomy acts as a structure of constraint in achieving gender equality and in turn how gender relations in areas like education and wage gaps can have macro-level impacts. Further, it underscores that the interaction of the macroeconomy and gender relations depends on the structure of the economy, the nature of job segregation, the particular measure of gender inequality, and a country's international relations. Finally, it outlines policies for promoting gender equality as both an intrinsic goal and a step toward improving well-being.

Bonkiewicz, L., A. Frost, S. Koon-Magnin, K. McIntosh, L. Rosell, R. Simon, and C. Tucker. "Security Disarmed: Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization." Review. Contemporary Sociology 38, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 386-387.

The editors define militarization as "how societies become dependent on and imbued by the logic of military institutions, in ways that permeate language, popular culture, economic priorities, education systems, government policies, and national values and identities" (p.4), and militarization is critically examined with an eye to bringing about a more peaceful society.

Boyce, R.. "That Sweet Enemy: The French and the British from the Sun King to the Present." Review. European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 548.

Chan, . "The Legal Status of Taiwan and the Legality of the Use of Force in a Cross-Taiwan Strait Conflict." Chinese Journal of International Law 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 455-492.

The legal status of Taiwan remains one of the most important concerns in international relations, as the continual political tensions have the potential of generating armed conflicts, not only across the Taiwan Strait but also between the People's Republic of China government and the United States, and of destabilizing the security in the Asia-Pacific region and the international community. This article examines on the basis of international law whether Taiwan has a valid claim to statehood. The implications of relevant peace treaties, the issue of foreign recognition of States and governments, the nature and extent of the right to self-determination, and the permissibility of the use of force under the right of self-defense and the notion of humanitarian intervention in relation to the Taiwan question are discussed.

Chotiner, B.. "Inside the Soviet Alternate Universe: The Cold War's End and the Soviet Union's Fall Reappraised." Review. Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1134.

Cruz, J.. "The Invention of Spain: Cultural Relations between Britain and Spain, 1770-1870." Review. European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 534.

Genna, G.. "Positive country images, trust and public support for European integration." Comparative European Politics 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 213-232.

In this paper I contribute to the scholarship on public support for European integration by arguing that member-states' positive images influence individuals' support decisions. An attribute of this positive image is trust, which individuals utilize given the complexity of the integration process, the salient impact it has on their lives and the low levels of information individuals possess. The use of a member-state's image is therefore a short-cut to evaluate integration's impact on individuals. As the development of integration is strongly influenced by the relatively more economically powerful member-state, trust in Germany increases the level of support, more so than trusting the remaining members.

Giustino, C.. "Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe, 1918-1948." Review. European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 525.

Harvey, C.. "Russia Vetoes UN Mission in Georgia." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 43-44.

Russia voted against extending the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) in the Security Council June 15, scuttling a last-minute effort to renew the mission's mandate and dealing another blow to the already strained Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty. Addressing the Security Council after the vote last month, Rosemary DiCarlo, the U.S. alternative representative for special political affairs at the UN, said the United States "deeply regrets" the failure to extend the UNOMIG mandate and stressed the importance of a UN presence in Georgia.

Kearney, G.. "Demanding times ahead." Australian Nursing Journal 17, no. 1 (July 1, 2009): 56.

Delegates set policies that would help unions And a way through the next few years, through the financial crisis and beyond into economic stability. What is wrong with having any alleged incidents dealt with by existing laws; one law for all? A construction worker addressed the congress and explained he is facing a jail sentence after he attended a stop work meeting to elect a safety representative on an unsafe building site.

Kimball, D.. "Toward a Nuclear Freeze in South Asia." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 3.

If not for intensive U.S.led crisis diplomacy, that standoff and another in 2002 could have led to war between the two nuclear-armed rivals. [...] Indian and Pakistani nuclear and missile stockpiles have grown even larger, and the underlying conditions for conflict still persist.

Mead, W.. "A Hegemon's Coming of Age." Review. Foreign Affairs 88, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 138-0_9.

Michels, E. "A Stranger in Paris: Germany's Role in Republican France, 1870-1940." Review. European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 541.

Pons, S.. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History: Revisiting 1989: Causes, Course and Consequences 18, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 349-362.

Western communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant 'post-communist' force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture

Pifer, S.. "Ukraine's Geopolitical Choice, 2009." Eurasian Geography and Economics 50, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 387.

A noted specialist in international affairs and former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine reviews and analyzes the history of independent Ukraine's relations with Russia and the West following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The author proceeds to examine the multifaceted Western position toward Kyiv as it has evolved through June 2009, paying due attention to the European Union and NATO. He then discusses the factors contributing to the volatility of Ukrainian-Russian relations following the Orange Revolution of 2004, including a range of specific concerns as well as more general Russian desires for a compliant government that would pay deference to key Russian interests. Concluding sections focus on Ukraine's future geopolitical trajectory in the run-up to the country's presidential elections in early 2010 and on internal problems (constitutional, market, and energy reform) that will command urgent attention once the political situation stabilizes and the outlines of a constructive engagement that could be pursued by the West are at hand.

Qian, C., and X. Wu. "The Art of China's Mediation during the Nuclear Crisis on the Korean Peninsula." Asian Affairs, an American Review 36, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 79-96.

Mediating regional conflict in Asia is a delicate art. It requires an acute understanding of the unique mediation culture in the region. China's mediation in the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula reveals key elements of this art and offers useful lessons. China's experience illustrates that an influential but neutral and harmony-oriented mediator is critical in the Asian context. It is equally essential for the mediator to (1) abide by the principle of noninterference in other countries' internal affairs while maintaining active intervention as dispute escalates, (2) stand ready to nudge those being mediated toward action when necessary to advance peaceful negotiations, (3) establish an optimal environment to foster communication and reduce hostility between the major parties in dispute, (4) serve as an honest broker but remain firm in its own position and cautiously take initiatives to guide the talks, (5) advocate a step-by-step approach to the negotiation process, and (6) aim for the outcome of negotiations to be a give-and-take agreement. Although Asia is a conflict-prone region, Asians traditionally confuse mediation with meddling. As a result, non-Asians often try to serve as mediators for Asia. For more effective mediations, it is essential that Asians rediscover their useful mediation skills and that non-Asians better understand the Asian art of mediation when they act as mediator.

Robinson, W.. "Global Restructuring, State, Capital and Labour: Contesting Neo-Gramscian Perspectives." Review. Capital & Class no. 98 (July 1, 2009): 146-148,183.

Burnham, in his chapter on the changes in economic management in Britain in the 1990s, explains the shift from politicised to depoliticised forms of state economic management of contemporary capitalism in terms of capital's attempt to discipline labour in the wake of the relative class force the latter accumulated in the previous period. According to Bieler and Morton, in response to this, Open Marxism tends to obscure the way class struggle is mediated through specific material social practices, to prioritise the dominant reproduction of capitalism over resistance, and to engage in state-centric analysis and an overly theoretical and abstract style of discussion.

Shaw, T., and T. Moss. "African Development: making sense of the issues and actors." Review. The Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 480-481.

Whilst debating several overlapping issues around 'Africa' like conflict, democracy and development, Todd Moss fails to notice its promise of insights for comparative international relations, which review articles in leading journals by Douglas Lemke and William Brown on both sides of the pond highlighted mid decade.

Schmidt, V.. "Explaining democracy in Europe." Comparative European Politics 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 396-407.

This response to the three reviews of Democracy in Europe addresses questions of democracy, institutions, and methodology. It first shows that naming the EU a 'regional state' enables us not only to define a new international form but also to envision new rules by which the EU could operate more effectively and democratically. Next it demonstrates that the book's qualitatively developed typology, which classifies the member-states of the EU along a continuum from simple to compound, yields descriptive inferences that need no quantitative operationalization, although it does not rule this out. It then considers how far we can take the argument about 'institutional fit,' with the causal inference that the EU is more disruptive to simple polities than to compound ones. It concludes with a discussion of the methodological approach of 'discursive institutionalism' by contrast with historical institutionalism, and of the importance of ideas and discourse for democracy in Europe.

Subotic, J.. "Sorry States: Apologies in International Politics." Review. Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 995.

Zückert, M.. "Prague in Black: Nazi Rule and Czech Nationalism." Review. European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 522.

Zhang, H.. "Ending North Korea's Nuclear Ambitions: The Need for Stronger Chinese Action." Arms Control Today 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 21-27.

Week of July 24-July 30, 2009 (Focus on Reconciliation):

Shnabel, N., A. Nadler, J. Ullrich, J. Dovidio, and D. Carmi. "Promoting Reconciliation Through the Satisfaction of the Emotional Needs of Victimized and Perpetrating Group Members: The Needs-Based Model of Reconciliation." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 35, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1021.

Guided by the Needs-Based Model of Reconciliation, we hypothesized that being a member of a victimized group would be associated with a threat to the status and power of one's ingroup, whereas being a member of a perpetrating group would threaten the image of the ingroup as moral and socially acceptable. A social exchange interaction through which victims feel empowered by their perpetrators and perpetrators feel accepted by their victims was thus predicted to enhance the parties' willingness to reconcile. Supporting the predictions across two experiments, members of the perpetrator group (Jews in Study 1 and Germans in Study 2) showed greater willingness to reconcile when they received a message of acceptance, rather than empowerment, from a member of the victimized group. Members of the victimized group (Arabs in Study 1 and Jews in Study 2) demonstrated the opposite effect. Applied and theoretical implications of these results are discussed.

Siani-Davies, P., and S. Katsikas. "National Reconciliation After Civil War: The Case of Greece." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 559.

This article discusses post-conflict reconciliation in Greece following the divisive civil war of the 1940s. Focusing on the elite political discourse and the relationship between reconciliation and democratization, its chief argument is that in Greece continuing disagreement about the civil war did not inhibit a process of reconciliation because it was voiced within a normative framework in which violence had been repudiated as a political tool. Particularly since the fall of the Colonels' dictatorship in 1974, reconciliation has been linked to a number of distinct political projects, some of which were as divisive as conciliatory in their effect. In each case, reconciliation meant different things to differing shades of political opinion, but the widespread adoption of the term by both the governing and opposition elites, as well as society as a whole, gradually entrapped politicians of all persuasions into accepting that a process of reconciliation had occurred. Reconciliation in Greece has therefore rested not on the establishment of a single agreed narrative representing the truth about the past, but rather on the righting of perceived injustices and the free articulation of differing interpretations of that past by both left and right within a democratic environment.

Stock, O., M. Zancanaro, C. Rocchi, D. Tomasini, C. Koren, Z. Eisikovits, D. Goren-bar, and P. (tamar) Weiss. "The design of a collaborative interface for narration to support reconciliation in a conflict." AI & Society 24, no. 1 (August 1, 2009): 51-59.

This paper is about the development of a face-to-face collaborative technology to support shifting attitudes of participants in conflict via a narration task. The work is based on two cultural elements: conflict resolution theory and the design of a collaboration enforcing interface designed specifically for the task. The general claim is that participants may achieve a greater understanding of and appreciation for the other's viewpoint under conditions that support partaking in a tangible joint task and creating a shared narration. Specifically, a co-located interface for producing a joint narration as a tool for favoring reconciliation is presented and discussed. The process based on this technology implicitly includes classical steps in conflict resolution approaches, such as escalation and de-escalation. Our goal is to show that this interface is effective and constitutes an alternative to a typical face-to-face moderated discussion.

Sutcliffe, B.. "Liudmila Ulitskaia's Literature of Tolerance." The Russian Review 68, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 495.

Sutcliffe examines Liudmila Ulitskaia's literature of tolerance. He tells that when Ulitskaia published a novella, The Funeral Party in 1997, it received the critical scrutiny warranted by the latest work of an already prominent figure in post-Soviet letters. Her assessment is more than a commonplace designed to snare sensitive readers--it is a key to her prose and plays, shaping The Funeral Party and culminating in Daniel Stein, Interpreter (2006), a structurally heterogeneous novel about healing the rift between Jews and gentiles. These two works powerfully depict the results of misunderstanding and, more significantly in the context of Russian culture, stress the need for reconciliation. Both narratives foreground Ulitskaia's longstanding fascination with hybrid characters: those individuals who combine different (and usually divisive) ethnicities and belief systems.

Tavlas, G.. "Optimum-Currency-Area Paradoxes." Review of International Economics 17, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 536-551.

Contributions by Mundell (1961), McKinnon (1963), and Kenen (1969) laid the foundations for all subsequent work in the area of the theory of optimum currency areas. The development of the optimum-currency-area paradigm, however, has not been a smooth one. After a rise in research activity during the 1960s, the paradigm fell from favor in the 1970s and 1980s, before it re-emerged as an active area of research. This paper argues that the decline of the theory as an active area of research partly reflects paradoxes among the contributions of Mundell, McKinnon, and Kenen. Correspondingly, the renewed interest in the theory is due, in part, to a reconciliation of those paradoxes, reflecting both developments in academic thought and the evolution of the international monetary system.

Waghid, Y.. "Patriotism and Democratic Citizenship Education in South Africa: On the (im) possibility of reconciliation and nation building." Educational Philosophy and Theory 41, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 399-409.

Woo, S.. "The Park Chung-hee Administration amid Inter-Korean Reconciliation in the Detente Period: Changes in the Threat Perception, Regi." Korea Journal 49, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 37.

This paper aims to explain South Korea's decision to open dialogue with North Korea in the detente period. President Park Chung-hee, who came to power in a military coup, did not pay much attention to unification matters in his early rule, but starting from the late 1960s, Park gradually began to change his North Korea policy due to a combination of external and internal conditions. I intend to explain the causes of Seoul's new approach toward Pyongyang through three variables: Threat perception, regime characteristics, and the distribution of power. A combination of these factors forced the Park regime to change its North Korea policy from confrontation to cooperation. However, inter- Korean cooperation proved to be short-lived. The early demise of rapprochement can be explained by the absence of compelling forces that could have driven the deepening of cooperation between the two parties.

Alcanzar, A.. "On Radical-Leftist Strategy: Propositions for Discussion." Left Curve no. 33 (January 1, 2009): 4-15,144.

[...] both agency and strategy are missing. [...] there is little consensus among us regarding aims or means, and we've tended to avoid the work of clarifying either. Reconciliation - the resolution of the social antagonism - would rather be the condition for the longsought liberation of difference and non-identity. [...] we live and struggle in unfreedom, imperfectly.

Anonymous, . "LIBYA-ITALY: Historic 'Reconciliation' Visit." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 18022B-18022C.

BARRY, G.. "Rehabilitating a Radical Catholic: Pope Benedict XV and Marc Sangnier, 1914-1922." The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 514-533.

Pope Benedict xv's gradual rehabilitation of the French Christian Democrat Marc Sangnier, whose Sillon movement stood condemned for social Modernism, demonstrated his desire to end the excesses of his predecessor's anti-Modernist crusade and to return to the policies of Leo xiii. Sangnier, unofficial emissary of the French republic to the Vatican, helped to prepare for the restoration of diplomatic relations in 1921. Perplexed, like most French Catholics, by papal neutrality on the war, he later campaigned for Franco-German reconciliation, adopting the Vatican critique of the Versailles settlement. Sangnier's pardon, like Benedict's cautious endorsement of the Popolari in Italy, highlights the paradoxical papalism of advanced Social Catholicism.

Boyd, S.. "Christ in Our Midst: Incarnation, Church and Discipleship in the Theology of Pilgram Marpeck." . The Catholic Historical Review 95, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 616-618.

The inherent link between justification and sanctification led him to criticize the social and political quietism of many under the sway of Luther's justification by faith alone .According to Blough, Marpeck believed that the "victory of resurrection over the forces of evil and the subsequent sending of the Holy Spirit" brings not only "forgiveness and reconciliation" but also empowers disciples in the present to such things as feeding the hungry and the "confrontation of false theological, political or ethical options" (pp. 220, 226). Due to his emphasis on the cross of Christ and the noncoercive nature of the Holy Spirit, Marpeck rejected the role of the sword in matters of faith, whether wielded by the Anabaptists at Münster, the princes of the Schmalkaldic League, or Charles V Believers are empowered to follow Christ and are "transformed collectively in his image," thereby constituting the "unglorified" body of Christ, which is sent "into the world to take on the same form as Jesus of Nazareth, the form of self-giving and nonviolent love" (p. 220).

Brock, N.. "African Americans and Welfare Time Limits: Comparative Analysis of State Time Limit Policies Under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity and Reconciliation Act of 1996." Journal of Black Studies 39, no. 6 (July 1, 2009): 962.

This study examines state lifetime limit policies for the receipt of cash assistance under the 1996 welfare reform law. It performs cross-tabulation and correlational analysis to determine whether a relationship exists between the racial composition of African Americans in a state and lifetime limit policies under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity and Reconciliation Act. Findings indicate a relationship and show that a majority of the states with a large population of African Americans have adopted some of the harshest lifetime limit policies for receipt of cash assistance.

DAVIES, B., and B. Marin; Zaidi. "Mainstreaming Ageing: Indicators to Monitor Sustainable Policies." Ageing and Society 29, no. 5 (July 1, 2009): 841-843.

Most of the volume's papers include references to income maintenance, the derivation of indicators of system efficiency, and the incidence of costs and benefits on stakeholders, but by contrast there is no mention of using estimates of the relationships between service mixes, levels and costs to stakeholders, or of indicators of contributions to quality of life and care for long-term care for service systems covering the field. Life satisfaction and quality of life are thus recognised, though there is insufficient discussion of this compared with other sections of the constructive reconciliation of material and King Jigme Singye Wangchuck's maxim for Bhutan of 'gross national happiness'; a gap made more obvious by recent attention to these in several social sciences and the proliferation of wellbeing agenda policies by one name or another.

Hickman, M.. "The Novel and the Menagerie: Totality, Englishness, and Empire." . Modern Fiction Studies 55, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 383-386.

[...] Koenigsberger traces the evolution of the novel and the menagerie during the shift from Victorianism to modernism, as they index changing "worldviews" about empire (185). In his extended analysis of Dickens's Hard Times (chapter 2, "Circuses in Cabinets"), while his argument about the kind of elephant Dickens must evict from his imaginative "menagerie" to maintain his novel's investment in a reconciliation of commerce and "Fancy" engages in nice dialogue with existing commentary on the novel (it dovetails especially well with F. R. Leavis's classic remarks), it strains too hard for cleverness by suggesting that "Boz may be of Gradgrind's party without knowing it" (109), reading Dickens's sanitized "Sleary's Circus" as kindred to the "circuses in cabinets" favoured by Thomas Gradgrind.

Howell, B.. "Reagan at Bergen-Belsen and Bitburg." . Rhetoric & Public Affairs 12, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 334-337.

[...] Jensen describes the public controversy that followed the announcement of Reagan's plans to visit the Bitburg cemetery and the attempts by Reagan's staff to quell that controversy. In the Bitburg speech, Jensen points to Reagan's linking of "the effort by World War II veterans to fight Nazis with the current battle with the Soviet Union and other enemies" (109), rejecting "collective guilt" (111), embracing again the "role of secular preacher" (111), and even "as a pastor to the world" (111-112), celebrating "the reconciliation" that has occurred between formerly "bitter adversaries" (112).

Kab-Woo, K.. "Gone but Not Dead, Sprouting but Not Yet Blossoming: Transitions in the System of Division, 1980-1997." . Korea Journal 49, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 59.

This article reviews inter-Korean relations in the period from 1980 to 1997 during which Chun Doo-hwan, Roh Tae-woo, and Kim Young-sam led their respective governments. Detente became more prevalent around the division system on the Korean peninsula with various actors' choices intersecting with one another. At the peninsular level, the South and the North agreed on a new set of definitions for mutual recognition- albeit with limitations-in the 1991 South-North Basic Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, and Exchanges and Cooperation, which created the so-called the S-N Basic Agreement "regime." However, the regime broke down soon after, making the Korean peninsula problem an international issue. In 1994, the United States and DPRK made a breakthrough in the Geneva Agreed Framework, despite which the division system developed minor fissures but remained intact. This failure shows that, despite changes in the international system surrounding the Korean peninsula, the division system will be extremely difficult to overcome unless each actor realizes a change of the mindset that is supplemented by a strong resolve to act on it.

Mchugh, K.. "Movement, memory, landscape: an excursion in non-representational thought." GeoJournal 74, no. 3 (January 1, 2009): 209-218. Issue Title: New directions in media geography

This paper is an excursion in non-representational thought. The primacy of movement charges this creative geography. Movement as sensation, thought, matter and memory crystallizes in ongoing assemblages (effects) we term selves and landscapes. This movement ontology is animated by a stream of thought running through Bergson, Deleuze, and Massumi, and by Ingold's temporality of landscape. Memory is vital, as past (virtual) and present (actual) coexist, pushing forward in duration, the dynamic continuation of movement and sensation. David Lynch's film, The Straight Story, offers dramatic illustration of the entanglement of movement, memory, and landscape. Landscape is emergent as relational lines of movement, an ongoing meshwork of practices and movement signatures. Alvin Straight's paced journey through Iowa on a John Deere lawn mower during autumn harvest is a road to reminiscence and reconciliation, an American sublime. Lynch's movement-images and soundscapes are sensorial undulations that illumine landscape as movement of incorporation, 'dwelling' in the moment to moment, geographies of care. The take-home message is that we are nothing more and nothing less than agents, next selves, 'passing' through. The collective trace of our 'passings' constitutes the making and remaking of place.

Moran, S.. "South Africa and the Colonial Intellectual." Research in African Literatures 40, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 109-124.

What are the characteristic features of the colonial intellectual? This essay approaches this question via two paths, historical and contemporary, in order to show the persistence of a legacy that shapes our work. Postapartheid South Africa and the debate around justice and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission are set in the broader context of nineteenth century colonial language studies. With the benefit of hindsight, the animating aspects of the colonial context are traced to a formative ambivalence regarding property and possession. This reading is extended to recent work on ethics and South African restitution and testimony. Hegel's treatment of Africa and his reading of Antigone form a thread linking past and present.

Overell, A.. "Cardinal Pole's Special Agent: Michael Throckmorton, c.1503-1558." History 94, no. 315 (July 1, 2009): 265-278.

Michael Throckmorton is best known for his peripatetic career as Cardinal Pole's agent. This article underlines the anxieties and dangers of that role, undertaken amidst fears that English agents would assassinate the cardinal. It also investigates Throckmorton's private life as a student in Italy in the 1530s and as a family man, one of a large clan divided by religion. Using the new evidence of his book inventory, it suggests that Throckmorton was a humanist, in whose library editions of the classics were outnumbered by medical texts. His ownership of banned or suspect religious works is set in the context of his friendship with the spirituali in Pole's household at Viterbo, especially the reformer-poet Marcantonio Flaminio. In 1553 Throckmorton carried to Queen Mary the papal bull making Pole the legate responsible for England's reconciliation. After delicate negotiations in England, Throckmorton returned to Mantua and died there in 1558, partly protected from the religious and political turmoil which afflicted Pole's last years. The article concludes by relating Throckmorton's life to wider contemporary experience: European perceptions of English religious change, the 'medical renaissance', Marian persecution, and the complexities faced by erstwhile spirituali .

Patzelt, A., R. Pirow, and J. Fischer. "Post-Conflict Affiliation in Barbary Macaques is Influenced by Conflict Characteristics and Relationship Quality, but Does Not Diminish Short-Term Renewed Aggression." Ethology 115, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 658-670.

Many group living primates have evolved mechanisms to repair their social relationships after conflicts ('reconciliation'). We analysed the post-conflict behaviour of female Barbary macaques, Macaca sylvanus, living in the enclosure 'La Foret des Singes' at Rocamadour, France. Based on a sample of 914 conflicts, we investigated whether relationship (kinship, rank, affiliation, support and sex) and conflict characteristics (conflict intensity, context and duration) affected the quality and frequency of affiliative post-conflict interactions. Thirty-two per cent of all conflicts were followed by post-conflict affiliation. Rates of socio-positive interactions and support were better predictors of post-conflict affiliation than kinship or rank. Short conflicts were followed by post-conflict affiliation relatively more frequently, after a shorter latency, but only briefly, and such interactions were initiated by both parties equally frequently. The majority of affiliative post-conflict interactions occurred immediately after the end of the conflict. In sum, female Barbary macaques invest more in post-conflict affiliation with valuable partners, and they modulate their post-conflict behaviour in relation to conflict characteristics. Remarkably, affiliative post-conflict interactions increased the short-term probability of renewed aggression by the former aggressor to 16% compared with 9% for conflicts that were not followed by affiliative behaviour. Such renewed aggression after post-conflict affiliation occurred particularly frequently among females and after conflicts over food, suggesting that post-conflict affiliation sometimes falsely lures the former victim to stay in the vicinity, even at the risk of receiving renewed aggression.

Sadat, L.. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 543-562.

The Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500-800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.

Scarlett, M.. "Imagining a World beyond Genocide: Teaching about Transitional Justice." The Social Studies 100, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 169-176.

Week of July 17-July 23, 2009 (Focus on Diplomacy):

Andres, A.. "Colonial Crisis and Spanish Diplomacy in the Caribbean During the Sexenio Revolucionario, 1868-1874." Bulletin of Latin American Research 28, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 325-342.

Blakely, A.. "A Russian Paints America: The Travels of Pavel P. Svin'in, 1811-1813." Review. The Russian Review 68, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 522.

Carolan, M.. "Genetically Modified Diplomacy: The Global Politics of Agricultural Biotechnology and the Environment." Review. Environmental Ethics 31, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 221.

Compton, T.. "Becoming a "Messenger of Peace": Jacob Hamblin in Tooele." Dialogue : A Journal of Mormon Thought 42, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 1-29,241.

Conway, M., and V. Viaene. "The papacy and the new world order. La papauté et le nouvel ordre mondial (1878-1903). Vatican diplomacy, Catholic opinion and international politics at the time of Leo XIII. Diplomatie vaticane, opinion catholique et politique internationale au temps de Leo XIII." The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 637-639.

Crail, P.. "Congress Weighs Iran Sanctions, Diplomacy." Arms Control Today 39, no. 5 (June 1, 2009): 32-34.

Green, R.. "Mixed Signals." Taiwan Review 59, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 1.

Höglund, K., and I. Svensson. "Mediating between tigers and lions: Norwegian peace diplomacy in Sri Lanka's civil war." Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 175.

Hughes, C.. "Japan's response to China's rise: regional engagement, global containment, dangers of collision." International Affairs 85, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 837-856.

Haren, M., and B. Bombi. "Il registro di Andrea Sapiti, procuratore alla curia avignonese." Review. The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 586-587.

Hill, J.. "A New Diplomacy for Sustainable Development: The challenge of global change." Review. Geography 94, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 70.

Kader, O.. "Innocent Abroad: An Intimate Account of American Peace Diplomacy in the Middle East." Review. Middle East Policy 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 164-166.

Kimball, D.. "Testing the World's Patience." Arms Control Today 39, no. 5 (June 1, 2009): 3.

Kitching, C.. "Diplomacy between the Wars: Five Diplomats and the Shaping of the Modern World." Review. The American Historical Review 114, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 727.

Maller, T.. "The Dangers of Diplomatic Disengagement in Counterterrorism." Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 32, no. 6 (June 1, 2009): 511.

Maulucci, T.. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 253-278.

McErlean, J.. "The Princess and the Politicians: Sex, Intrigue and Diplomacy, 1812-40/Dorothea Lieven: A Russian Princess in London and Paris, 1785-1857/Ksiezna Dorothea Lieven wobec Polski i Polaków." Review. Slavic Review 68, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 427.

Mellon, H., and P. Andree. "Genetically Modified Diplomacy: The Global Politics of Agricultural Biotechnology and the Environment." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 548-549.

Miller, I.. "The Genesis of African and Indian Cooperation in Colonial North America: An Interview with Helen Hornbeck Tanner." Ethnohistory 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 285.

Newhouse, J.. "Diplomacy, Inc." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 73-92.

Raw, L.. "The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy 1945-89." Review. The Journal of American Culture 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 183-184.

Rist, R., and M. Pegg. "A most holy war. The Albigensian Crusade and the battle for Christendom." Review. The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 580-581.

Slantchev, B.. "The Steps to War: An Empirical Study." Review. Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 386-388.

Winkler, A.. "The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989." Review. The Journal of American History 96, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 285.

Ziring, L.. "Unraveling the Afghanistan-Pakistan Riddle." Asian Affairs, an American Review 36, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 59-77.

de las Casas, G.. "Barack von Metternich." Foreign Policy no. 173 (July 1, 2009): 28.

Week of July 9-July 16, 2009 (Focus on Conflict Resolution):

Allen, S.. "A Study of a Violence Prevention Program in Prekindergarten Classrooms." Children & Schools 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 177-187.

Beardsley, K., and B. McQuinn. "Rebel Groups as Predatory Organizations: The Political Effects of the 2004 Tsunami in Indonesia and Sri Lanka." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 624.

Buhaug, H., S. Gates, and P. Lujala. "Geography, Rebel Capability, and the Duration of Civil Conflict." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 544.

Cederman, L., H. Buhaug, and J. Rød. "Ethno-Nationalist Dyads and Civil War: A GIS-Based Analysis." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 496.

Correa, N., A. Rao, and A. Nobre. "Anticipating Conflict Facilitates Controlled Stimulus-response Selection." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 21, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1461.

Cunningham, D., K. Gleditsch, and I. Salehyan. "It Takes Two: A Dyadic Analysis of Civil War Duration and Outcome." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 570.

Gallagher, J.. "Healing the Scar? Idealizing Britain in Africa, 1997-2007." African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 435-451.

Geiken, R., B. Van Meeteren, and T. Kato. "Putting the Cart Before the Horse: The Role of a Socio-moral Atmosphere in an Inquiry-based Curriculum." Childhood Education 85, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 260-263.

Gerami, A.. "Bridging the theory-and-practice gap: Mediator power in practice." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 433.

Goldberg, R.. "How our worldviews shape our practice." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 405.

Hegre, H., G. Østby, and C. Raleigh. "Poverty and Civil War Events: A Disaggregated Study of Liberia." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 598.

Hewig, J., T. Straube, R. Trippe, N. Kretschmer, H. Hecht, M. Coles, and W. Miltner. "Decision-making under Risk: An fMRI Study." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 21, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1642.

Holtzworth-Munroe, A., A. Applegate, and B. D'Onofrio. "Family Dispute Resolution: Charting a Course for the Future." Family Court Review 47, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 493.

Levy, J., K. Hipel, and N. Howard. "Advances in Drama Theory for Managing Global Hazards and Disasters. Part I: Theoretical Foundation." Group Decision and Negotiation 18, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 303-316.
Levy, J., K. Hipel, and N. Howard. "Advances in Drama Theory for Managing Global Hazards and Disasters. Part II: Coping with Global Climate Change and Environmental Catastrophe." Group Decision and Negotiation 18, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 317-334.

Li, K., J. Levy, and P. Buckley. "Enhancing National Security and Energy Security in the Post-911 Era: Group Decision Support for Strategic Policy Analysis under Conditions of Conflict." Group Decision and Negotiation 18, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 369-386.

Li-On, L.. "The politics of community mediation: A study of community mediation in Israel." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 453.

Neves, T.. "Practice note: Community mediation as social intervention." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 481.

Pacholok, S.. "Gendered Strategies of Self: Navigating Hierarchy and Contesting Masculinities." Gender, Work and Organization 16, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 471-500.

Parchomovsky, G., and P. Siegelman. "Bribes vs. bombs: A study in Coasean warfare." International Review of Law and Economics 29, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 179.

Peter H Kim, Kurt T Dirks, and Cecily D Cooper. "The Repair of Trust: A Dynamic Bilateral Perspective and Multilevel Conceptualization." Academy of Management. The Academy of Management Review 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009).

Reid, W., and R. Karambayya. "Impact of dual executive leadership dynamics in creative organizations." Human Relations 62, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 1073.

Singer, J.. "Dispute Resolution and the Post-Divorce Family: Implications of a Paradigm Shift." Family Court Review 47, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 363.

Stock, O., M. Zancanaro, C. Rocchi, D. Tomasini, C. Koren, Z. Eisikovits, D. Goren-bar, and P. (tamar) Weiss. "The design of a collaborative interface for narration to support reconciliation in a conflict." AI & Society 24, no. 1 (August 1, 2009): 51-59.

Thomas, B., and M. Roberts. "Sibling Conflict Resolution Skills: Assessment and Training." Journal of Child and Family Studies 18, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 447-453.

Vlassenroot, K., and T. Raeymaekers. "Kivu’s Intractable Security Problem." African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 475-484.

Weidmann, N.. "Geography as Motivation and Opportunity: Group Concentration and Ethnic Conflict." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 526.

Wing, L.. "Mediation and inequality reconsidered: Bringing the discussion to the table." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 383.

Week of July 1-July 8, 2009:

Anonymous. "Middle East Peace and Unpleasant Listening." Dialog 48, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 113-115.

Darling, J., and V. Heller. "Organization Development in an Era of Socioeconomic Change: A Focus on The Key to Successful Management Leadership." Organization Development Journal 27, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 9-26.

Dawes, J.. "The Gulf Wars and the US Peace Movement." American Literary History 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 418-428.

Dietrich, C.. "A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise - by Tony Smith." Peace & Change 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 359-363.

Grocke, D., S. Bloch, and D. Castle. "The Effect of Group Music Therapy on Quality of Life for Participants Living with a Severe and Enduring Mental Illness." Journal of Music Therapy 46, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 90-104.

House, J.. "The U.S. Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning, and Crisis Management, June 1987-December 1989." Review. History 37, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 145-146.

Howlett, C.. "America's Military Today: Challenges for the Armed Forces in a Time of War - by Tod Ensign." Peace & Change 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 349-352.

Legvold, R.. "The Russia File." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 78-0_7.

Mehler, A.. "Peace and Power Sharing in Africa: A Not So Obvious Relationship." African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 453-473.

Miller, S.. "The Notables and the Nation: The Political Schooling of the French, 1787-1788." Review. Journal of Social History 42, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 1087-1089.

Nadeem, M.. "Purchasing Equals Happiness Equals Giving! How Do you Plan to Spend Your Weekend?" Journal of American Academy of Business, Cambridge 15, no. 1 (September 1, 2009): 229-234.

Oliver, A.. "A Tale of Two Quagmires: Iraq, Vietnam, and the Hard Lessons of War - by Kenneth J. Campbell." Peace & Change 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 338-342.

Paola, C., D. Paola, D. Anna, A. Antonietta, and P. Fernando. "An Excessive Attention for Food Calories is a Risk Factor of Eating Disorders in Teenagers: Studies Issues "Make Peace with Food"." Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior: SNE 2009 ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS 41, no. 4S (July 1, 2009): S17.

Parker, E.. "In love and struggle: letters in contemporary feminism." Feminist Review no. 92 (July 1, 2009): 178-179.

Riga, L., and J. Kennedy. "Tolerant majorities, loyal minorities and 'ethnic reversals': constructing minority rights at Versailles 1919." Nations and Nationalism 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 461-482.

Rahman, S., P. Junankar, and G. Mallik. "Factors influencing women's empowerment on microcredit borrowers: a case study in Bangladesh." Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy 14, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 287.

Ross, E.. "Fighting the Greater Jihad: Amadu Bamba and the founding of the Muridiyya of Senegal, 1853-1913/Sufism and Jihad in Modern Senegal: the Murid Order." Review. African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 493-495.

SAGAR, R.. "State of mind: what kind of power will India become?" International Affairs 85, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 801-816.

Schwartz, T.. "Nixon in the World: American Foreign Relations, 1969-1977." Review. History 37, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 143-144.

Shenk, D.. "Muslims and Christians: Eschatology and Mission." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 120-123.

Sjoberg, L.. "From where we stand: war, women's activism and feminist analysis." Review. Feminist Review no. 92 (July 1, 2009): 180-182.

Walls, M.. "The Emergence of A Somali State: Building Peace from War in Somaliland." African Affairs 108, no. 432 (July 1, 2009): 371-389.

Young, K.. "Blind into Baghdad: America's War in Iraq - by James Fallows and Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq - by Dahr Jamail." Peace & Change 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 282-289.

Zumkhawala-Cook, R.. "Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army - by Jeremy Scahill." Peace & Change 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 321-325.

Week of June 11-June 18, 2009:

Adam Kirsch. "LIFE ON VENUS: Europe's Last Man." World Affairs 171, no. 4 (April 1, 2009): 11-22.

Ali A Jalali. "Winning in Afghanistan." Parameters 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 5-21.

Asher Kaufman. "ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT-Negotiating Under Fire: Preserving Peace Talks in the Face of Terror Attacks." Review. The Middle East Journal 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 322-323.

Catherine C Byrne. "Proactive Versus Defensive Ethics: Re-Humanizing Psychology." Peace & Conflict 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 215.

Christopher R Noon. "THE USE OF RACIAL PREFERENCES IN PUBLIC PROCUREMENT FOR SOCIAL STABILITY." Public Contract Law Journal 38, no. 3 (April 1, 2009): 611-632.

Gawdat Bahgat. "THE ARAB PEACE INITIATIVE: AN ASSESSMENT." Middle East Policy 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 33-39.

Gwyneth C McClendon. "Global Justice: The Politics of War Crimes Trials." Review Perspectives on Political Science 38, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 117.

Johanna R Vollhardt. "The Role of Victim Beliefs in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Risk or Potential for Peace?" Peace & Conflict 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 135.

Laurie A Brand. "JORDAN-Inter-Arab Alliances: Regime Security and Jordanian
Foreign Policy." Review. The Middle East Journal 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 333-334.

Martin L Cook. "Arguing the Just War in Islam." Review. Parameters 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 117-119.

Michael C Keith. "Norman Corwin's One World Flight: The Found Journal of Radio's Greatest Writer." Journal of Radio & Audio Media 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 50.

Michael M Piechowski. "Peace Pilgrim, Exemplar of Level V." Roeper Review 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 103-112.

Michael Rubner. "The Hebrew Republic: How Secular Democracy and Global Enterprise Will Bring Israel Peace at Last." Review. Middle East Policy 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 149-151.

Monica Hakimi. "INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS FOR DETAINING TERRORISM SUSPECTS: MOVING BEYOND THE ARMED CONFLICT-CRIMINAL DIVIDE*." Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 40, no. 3 (January 1, 2009): 593-650.

Myron J Aronoff. "Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process." Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 143-0_10.

Raja Shehadeh. "Israel-Palestine: insiders and outsiders." Review. The Political
Quarterly 80, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 313.

Richard Bourke. "The slight hand of history." Review. The Political Quarterly 80, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 310.

Robert Fikes Jr. "How Black Professors Are Portrayed in American Fiction." The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education no. 63 (April 1, 2009): 66-69.

Stephen J Blank. "War, Peace, and International Relations: An Introduction to Strategic History." Review. Parameters 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 111-113.

T. V. Paul. "Four Crises and a Peace Process: American Engagement in South Asia." Review. Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 206-208.

Veda E. Ward. "Conflicts of Interest: Plasticity of Peace Tourism and the 21st Century Nation." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 8, no. 2/3 (April 1, 2009): 414.

"Chronology: Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Middle East Journal 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 285-289.

Bas Rietjens, Myriame Bollen, Masood Khalil, Sayed Fazlullah Wahidi. "Enhancing the Footprint: Stakeholders in Afghan Reconstruction." Parameters 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 22-39.

Daniel F McCleary, Robert L Williams. "Sociopolitical and Personality Correlates of Militarism in Democratic Societies." Review. Peace & Conflict 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 161.

Guy Elcheroth, Dario Spini. "Public Support for the Prosecution of Human Rights Violations in the Former Yugoslavia." Peace & Conflict 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 189.

Mahjoob Zweiri, Simon Staffell. "TALKING WITH A REGION: LESSONS FROM IRAN,
TURKEY AND PAKISTAN." Middle East Policy 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 63-74.

Marcela Cornejo, Rodrigo C. Rojas, Francisca Mendoza. "From Testimony to Life Story: The Experience of Professionals in the Chilean National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture." Peace & Conflict 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 111.

Michael V White, Kurt Schuler. "Retrospectives: Who Said "Debauch the Currency": Keynes or Lenin?" The Journal of Economic Perspectives 23, no. 2

Reuven Abarjel, Smadar Lavie. "A Year into the Lebanon War: NGO-ing Mizrahi-Arab Paradoxes, and a One State Vision for Palestine/Israel *." Left Curve no. 33 (January 1, 2009): 29-36,144.

Week of June 5-June 11, 2009:

Adele Jones. "Curriculum and Civil Society in Afghanistan." Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 113-122,167-168.

Amnon Boehm. "Involvement of Businesses in the Community at Times of Peace and of War on the Home Front." Business and Society Review 114, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 85.

C Kevin Marshall. "WHY CAN'T MARTHA STEWART HAVE A GUN?" Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 695-735.

Curtis H O'Sullivan. "The Road to Safwan: The 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry in the 1991 Persian Gulf War." Review. Air Power History 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 56.

David Ignatius. "Caught in the Middle." Foreign Policy no. 172 (May 1, 2009): 42-47,8.

Delinda C Hanley. "Kerry Holds Hearing on Engaging Muslims Around World." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 70-71.

El-Sayed El-Aswad. "Islamic Attitudes to Israel." Review. Domes 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 107-110.

Elaina Loveland. "Empowering the Poor." International Educator 18, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 28-32.

Elaine Pasquini. "Friends Rally for Tristan Anderson, Protest Israeli Shooting of Activist." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 67.

Elaine Pasquini. "Police Brutality Mars San Francisco Anti-War March." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 68.

G John Ikenberry. "Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson: Progressivism, Internationalism, War, and Peace." Review. Foreign Affairs 88, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 167-168.

Giorgio Mariani. "Ad bellum purificandum, or, Giving Peace a (Fighting) Chance in American Studies." American Literary History 21, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 96-122.

Henry Kissinger. "A New Nuclear Agenda." Hampton Roads International Security Quarterly: 2/3 IX, (April 1, 2009): 2427.

Lawrence R Benson. "With Honor: Melvin Laird in War, Peace, and Politics." Review. Air Power History 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 62-63.

Lucy Jones. "Obama's Afghan Plan Deserves "Fair Wind," Says Britain's Independent." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 39,45.

Makhdoom Qureshi. "NATO's Mission in Afghanistan: Pakistan's View." Hampton Roads International Security Quarterly: 2/3 IX, (April 1, 2009): 125128.
Michael Gillespie. "Seven Arrested in Ash Wednesday Occupation of Sen. Harkin's Office." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 28, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 71-72.

Niels Henrik Gregersen. "On Taboos: The Danish Cartoon Crisis 2005-2008." Dialog 48, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 79-96.

Noah W Sobe. "Educational Reconstruction "By the Dawn's Early Light": Violent Political Conflict and American Overseas Education Reform." Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 123-131,168.

Ruth Zoë Ost. "Being in Pictures: An Intimate Photo Memoir." Review. Bridges : a Journal for Jewish Feminists and Our Friends 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 161-169,180.

Sergey B. Ivanov. "Non-Proliferation of WMD: The Case for Joint Effort." Hampton Roads International Security Quarterly: 2/3 IX, (April 1, 2009): 114117.

Todd M Compton. "Becoming a "Messenger of Peace": Jacob Hamblin in Tooele." Dialogue : A Journal of Mormon Thought 42, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 1-29,241.

Yair Mazor. "A History of Modern Israel." Review. Domes 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 97-102.
Zvi Bekerman. "Identity versus Peace: Identity Wins." Harvard Educational Review 79, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 74-83,166.

"A REGIONAL POWER FOR PEACE." Foreign Policy no. 172 (May 1, 2009): AN6-AN7.
"Letters." The Humanist 69, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 2,40.

Week of May 28-June 4, 2009:

D.w. Bebbington. "Conscience and Conflict: Methodism, Peace and War in the TwentiethCentury." Review. The English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 508 (June 1, 2009): 750-752.

Diane P Whitehead. "Teacher, Where Are You?" Childhood Education 85, no. 4 (July 1, 2009): 242B.

Fidelma Ashe. "From Paramilitaries to Peacemakers: The Gender Dynamics of Community-Based Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics & International Relations 11, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 298-314.

Gerry O'Hanlon. "CHRISTIAN POLITICAL ETHICS." Review. Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 496-498.

Isak Svensson. "Who Brings Which Peace?: Neutral versus Biased Mediation and Institutional Peace Arrangements in Civil Wars." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 446.

James C. Simeon. "Exclusion Under Article 1F(a) of the 1951 Convention in Canada." International Journal of Refugee Law 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 193-217.

James Dawes. "The Gulf Wars and the US Peace Movement." American Literary History 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 418-428.

Jason Stearns. "In Congo's Conflict, a Surprising Twist." Current History 108, no. 718 (May 1, 2009): 202-207.

John Carlson. "Defining Noncompliance: NPT Safeguards Agreements." Arms Control Today 39, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 22-27.

Mika Junninen. "Finnish professional criminals and their organisations in the 1990SA." Crime, Law and Social Change 51, no. 5 (June 1, 2009): 487-509.

S William A Gunn. "Health as a bridge to peace." Review. Canadian Medical Association. Journal 180, no. 12 (June 9, 2009): 1234.

Tony Rayns. "Departures." Review. Film Comment 45, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 67-68.

"BURUNDI: Peace Process Breakthough." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 17937A-17938A.

"MALI/NIGER: Libya Hosts Peace." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 17940C-17941B.

Jennifer W Mack, Joanne Wolfe, E Francis Cook, Holcombe E Grier, Paul D Cleary, Jane C Weeks. "Peace of Mind and Sense of Purpose as Core Existential Issues Among Parents of Children With Cancer." Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 163, no. 6 (June 1, 2009): 519.

John Prendergast, Colin Thomas-Jensen. "Sudan: A State on the Brink?" Current History 108, no. 718 (May 1, 2009): 208-213.

John R Darling, Victor L Heller. "Organization Development in an Era of Socioeconomic Change: A Focus on The Key to Successful Management Leadership." Organization Development Journal 27, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 9-26.

Kristine Höglund, Isak Svensson. "Mediating between tigers and lions: Norwegian peace diplomacy in Sri Lanka's civil war." Contemporary South Asia 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 175.

Paul Gifford, Frans Wijsen. "Seeds of Conflict in a Haven of Peace: From Religious Studies to Interreligious Studies in Africa." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London 72, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 412-413.

Shelley Howes, Susan Gasper, Thomas F O'Connor. "Sharpening the Focus of OIG Evaluations to Further Enhance Accountability in the Peace Corps." The Journal of Government Financial Management 58, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 20-28.

Sumon Kumar Bhaumik, Ira N Gang, Myeong-su Yun. "Rationality as a Barrier to Peace: Micro-evidence from Kosovo." Comparative Economic Studies 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 242-264.

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